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Three fallacies about generalization are that so-called basic research is more generalizable than applied research, that general findings are immediately useful for design purposes, and that the use of taxonomies increases the generalizability of human factors studies. Some factors that limit generalizability are the use of unrepresentative subjects, insufficient training subjects receive before measurements are begun, inadequate sampling of tasks and situations, inappropriate selection of dependent variables, long-term changes in the world of work, and artifacts attributable to the measurement process itself In designing a study to predict behavior in a specific application, the guiding principle is similarity. The study should be as similar as possible to the real situation. Two principles should be followed to design studies whose findings can be extrapolated to a wide range of situations: (1) design heterogeneity into the studies and (2) replicate earlier studies with variations in subjects, variables, or procedures.

Earlier treatments of moderatum generalization (e.g. Williams, 2000a) explicitly addressed interpretivist sociology. This article extends that earlier argument by examining some of its implications for a wider range of qualitative research methods. It first adopts an empirical approach, providing concrete illustrations from the most recent volume of Sociology of what sociologists actually do when describing the meaning of their findings. In the light of this, we reconsider the significance of moderatum generalization for research practice and the status of sociological knowledge, in particular making the case that research design should plan for anticipated generalizations, and that generalization should be more explicitly formulated within a context of supporting evidence.

Abstract
Both terms in our title, "habit" and "generalization," are ordinary language expressions that take a peculiar and abstract sense in Peirce's thought. From various standpoints, the concepts denoted by these two terms prove to be fundamental for understanding Peirce's ideas, and eventually for the further development of these ideas in the philosophy of science. My review suggests that Peirce's thought moves toward a goal that he constantly suggests but never articulates explicitly. This unstated objective is no other than the goal of generalizing the very idea of generalization. This article demonstrates that once the notion of habit is generalized, its connotational range swells to cover such diverse instances as those of symbol, rule, propensity, and law of nature. Therefore, this expanded conception can be applied to unify previously separated strands of thought and scientific practice. These considerations lead me to speculate on the possibility of extending Peircean synechism toward a wider conception that could include the generalizing functions of ideas concerning symmetry (and symmetry breaking) and other kinds of invariance.
A version of this paper was first presented at the conference "V Jornadas: Peirce en Argentina" at the Academia Nacional De Ciencias, De Buenos Aires, from August 23 to 24, 2012.

"Questions on generalization depend on the context of available data and the goals of generalizing from research findings. Sometimes, generalization is not only of minor interest, but it can be misleading. Of course, science is interested in principles, we want to know the underlying logic of individual and social processes. But how "generally" do we want to apply the "particular" findings - and is there a need for generalization?" (author's abstract). Contents: Leo Gürtler, Günter L. Huber: Should we generalize? Anyway, we do it all the time in everyday life (17-35); Thomas Burkart, Gerhard Kleining: Generalisierung durch qualitative Heuristik (37-52); Rudolf Schmitt: Attempts not to over-generalize the results of metaphor analyses (53-70); Pascal Dey, Julia Nentwich: The identity politics of qualitative research. A discourse analytic inter-text (71-105); M.Concepción Dominguez, Antonio Medina Rivilla: Integrated methodology: From self-observation to debate groups to the design of intercultural educational materials and teacher training (107-128); Tiberio Feliz Murias, M. Carmen Ricoy Lorenzo: From feedback about resources to the improvement of the curricular design of practical training as a generalization process (129-144); M. Carmen Ricoy Lorenzo, Tiberio Feliz Murias: Competencies design as a qualitative process of generalization. Designing the competencies of educators in the technological resources (145-160); Silke Birgitta Gahleitner, Julia Markner: Youth welfare services and problems of borderline personality disorder. Suggestions from the perspective of the client – a single case study (161-176); Inge Herfort, Andreas Weiss, Martin Mühlberger: Intercultural competence for transnational co-operations between small and medium-sized enterprises in Austria and Hungary (177-189); Lorenzo Almazán Moreno, Ana Ortiz Colón: A study of the training needs of adults in 21st-century society: integrated methodological research model involving discussion groups, questionnaires and case studies (191-194); Samuel Gento, M. Concepción Dominguez, Antonio Medina: Problems of discipline and learning in the educational system (195-233); Michaela Gläser-Zikuda: The relation of instructional quality to students' emotions in secondary schools - a qualitative-quantitative study (235-248).

This research aims at highlighting the importance of General Ballot as a necessary political target since the general ballot process is a main principle of democracy where many countries worldwide have integrated it in practice in order to grant its citizens the opportunity to share in power.This research paper has been divided into two sections. The first one examines the general theory of voting rights. This includes its definition, importance, historical background and its legal classifications. The second section discusses the general ballot in comparative laws.The study concludes that the expansion of Electors base has become a vital matter in order to strengthen the democratic process where the increase in using the electorate system shall combat corruption and illegal practices that adversely affect the will of voters.

AbstractBoth criminal and regulatory laws have traditionally been skeptical of what Jeremy Bentham referred to as evidentiary offenses – the prohibition (or regulation) of some activity not because it is wrong, but because it probabilistically (but not universally) indicates that a real wrong has occurred. From Bentham to the present, courts and theorists have worried about this form of regulation, believing that certainly in the criminal law context, but even with respect to regulation, it is wrong to impose sanctions on a "Where there's smoke there's fire" theory of governmental intervention. Yet, although this kind punishment by proxy continues to be held in disrepute both in courts and in the published work, we argue that this distaste is unwarranted. Regulating – even through the criminal law – by regulating intrinsically innocent activities that probabilistically, but not inexorably, indicate not‐so‐innocent activities is no different from the vast number of other probabilistic elements that pervade the regulatory process. Once we recognize the frequency with which we accept probabilistic but not certain burdens of proof, probabilistic but not certain substantive rules, and probabilistic but not certain pieces of evidence, we can see that defining offenses and regulatory targets in terms of non‐wrongful behavior that is evidence of wrongful behavior is neither surprising nor inadvisable.

In this paper we introduce a generalization of local module. The notion of 2-Local module can be considered a new concept (generalization of local modules). Let T be a ring with identity. 2-maximal submodule can define as, any submodule B1 of B is called 2-maximal if (B/B1) is a 2-regular module. 2-Local module means every submodule A of a T-module B where is a unique 2-maximal submodule. Almost any unique maximal submodule of a T-module gives 2-local module. Also, we can present a generalization of local module by, if is a fully prime module over the ring and every submodule B1 of a T-module B is a unique almost max-submodule, this means is a 2-local. Every semi-maximal submodule over chained module is maximal (2-maximal submodule) and hence is 2-local module. Some properties and examples of 2-Local module are given. Finally some implications of 3-local module have been presented.

AbstractThis article discusses the morphosyntax of accusative‐subject constructions in Icelandic, from the point of view of the "dependent case" analysis of accusative. The primary focus is on deriving the Accusative‐Subject Generalization (ASG), the generalization that accusative subjects are never related thematically to a morphologically intransitive verb. After it is demonstrated that the ASG holds, it is proposed that the ASG follows from the claim that there is no such thing as inherently case‐marked accusatives in Icelandic. The accusative‐subject constructions under scrutiny in fact involve a silent external argument that distributes like a clitic syntactically and is interpreted like a weather pronoun semantically. The account is explanatory insofar as it involves one stipulation—the presence of a silent clitic—from which the ASG and numerous other syntactic, semantic, and morphological properties of accusative‐subject constructions follow. The explanatory value of the account hinges on a grammatical architecture in which morphological idiosyncrasy and semantic idiosyncrasy are computed in distinct components of the grammar, and case marking—even structural case marking—is divorced from DP licensing.