Suchergebnisse

The main goal of the article is to highlight the marked difference between two understandings of geopolitics and space in general the understanding that is present in the field of geography and the understanding that is present in the field of International Relations. Whereas in International Relations (namely in the case of neorealists) space is conceptualized as a material, objective entity, in the field of geography there has been a shift toward a conceptualization of space as an inter-subjective entity. It follows that in the case of neorealists there is some (usually unintentional) tendency to revive (neo)classical geopolitics, or at least some of its basic assumptions. On the other hand, contemporary geographers have adopted a boldly critical approach toward (neo)classical geopolitics. Geographers consider (neo)classical geopolitics as potentially dangerous because of its justification of the conflictual discourses prevailing in international politics. The question remains whether the geographical neglect of objective space does not undermine the ability of critical geopolitics to effectively intervene in practical political issues. Adapted from the source document.

This study argues that due to a lack of attention paid to the national interest of actors in international politics the mainstream international conflict resolution studies fail in their prescriptive & descriptive aspects; particularly when conflicts are complicated by geopolitics. The case study of the long-standing conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh is used to highlight the strengths of geopolitical analysis, aimed at a proper understanding of a conflict's causes & the identities & interests of the actors directly & indirectly involved. This understanding is a prerequisite for coordinated international action directed towards the creation of the structural conditions for peace which would lead the prime actors of the conflict to choose peaceful resolution as a means to escape the hurting stalemate situation. In the case of Nagorno-Karabakh -- a conflict whose resolution has been impeded mainly by Azerbaijani & Armenian ethnic nationalism, coupled with fierce competition between the major powers in Central Eurasia -- a geopolitical analysis leads to the conclusion that the key to the resolution of the conflict lies in the hands of Russia. Such a resolution therefore presupposes a redefinition of Russia's interests, which would be based on the rational calculation that a deliberate destabilization of the South Caucasus will, in long term, hurt her interests. Adapted from the source document.

Intro -- Obsah -- Úvod -- Americká strategie zadržování jako grand strategy -- Íránská krize a první pokusy o formulaci strategie zadržování -- Obsazení Íránu a otevření zásobovací trasy do Sovětského svazu -- Spory mezi Spojenými státy americkými a Sovětským svazem o získání ropné koncese v Íránu -- Odmítnutí Sovětského svazu stáhnout vojska z Íránu -- Stalinův projev z 9. února a zvyšování napětí v americko‑sovětských vztazích -- "Dlouhý telegram" - první pokus o formulaci nové strategie vůči Sovětskému svazu -- Churchillův fultonský projev - definitivní rozpad spojenecké koalice? -- Úspěch nového amerického přístupu - ústup Sovětského svazu v íránské otázce -- Turecká krize roku 1946 -- První snahy Sovětského svazu o ovládnutí černomořských úžin -- Postupimská konference a spory mezi velmocemi o statut úžin -- Odlišné názory velmocí na plavební režim úžin -- Zintenzivnění amerického zájmu o Turecko -- Vyvrcholení boje o úžiny -- Spojené státy americké a krize v Řecku -- Řecko během druhé světové války -- Spojené státy americké a Řecko -- Cliffordova zpráva - nová formulace strategie zadržování? -- Eskalace násilí v Řecku a příčiny zvýšeného zájmu Spojených států amerických o tuto zemi -- Odchod Velké Británie z východního Středomoří -- Trumanova doktrína a její vliv na další směřování strategie zadržování -- Intervence Spojených států amerických ve východním Středomoří -- Konečná podoba prezidentova projevu a jeho přednesení před Kongresem -- Ohlasy na Trumanův projev -- Odlišné interpretace Trumanovy doktríny -- Trumanova doktrína - počátek univerzalistického přístupu při implementaci strategie zadržování? -- Implementace Trumanovy doktríny v Řecku a Turecku -- Ustanovení "Americké mise pro pomoc Řecku"a její počáteční činnost -- Poslední pokus o politickou dohodu a následné vytvoření Prozatímní demokratické vlády Řecka.

The purpose of this article is to provide basic an empirical research framework for the new phenomena of interregionalism. First, the paper explores the history of regional integration & cooperation, & the subsequent emergence of interregional relations. The second part outlines the main theoretical concepts of this research as region, interregional relations, its structure & system. Furthermore, it explores the main incentives & impetus for regions to take part in interregional cooperation. The last section offers essential theoretical explanations, particularly within the field of international political economy. Adapted from the source document.

This study is an attempt to deliver a comprehensive (geo)political analysis of the evolution of transit routes to supply Caspian oil and natural gas reserves to world markets using the territory of the South Caucasus. In the initial part of the study, a series of transit options prevailing in the two decades up to 2005 is scrutinized; in 2005, the highly debated Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline was eventually built marking the shift in interest from oil transit to natural gas transit. Emphasizing the peculiarities of geopolitical competition for the strategically important area of the post-Soviet South Caucasus that has been continuing between Russia, the United States, and to a certain extent also Iran and Turkey, the article seeks to explore the close interconnection of politics and economics, and on some key occasions also the prevalence of the former over the latter, reaching in this regard beyond Caspian projects.

This article maps state visits by the presidents of the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and Austria between 2004 and 2010. It has two goals. First, the article describes and compares the structure of the five presidents' state visits according to the countries and regions visited and according to the type of visit (official, working, or multilateral visit). Second, data about the state visits of the heads of states are utilized as an indicator of the geopolitical orientation of the respective state. All five countries under study show strong geopolitical orientation towards Western Europe, especially Germany. Nevertheless, our data also show certain differences in geopolitical priorities. Poland stands out with its extraordinarily strong orientation towards Eastern and Northern Europe (the Baltics). The Czech Republic is characterised by a relatively stronger preference for the transatlantic relationship. Our data also show that Hungary is to a certain degree isolated as it is not a favoured destination for presidential visits. Adapted from the source document.

Violent conflict is very old in human society. The development of military technology brought with itself the worst tragedies loss of human live and material devastation in the second half of 20th century in the Horn of Africa. This region is one of the centers of various political violent conflicts in the world, according to length of these violent conflicts, the number of death of people, mainly civilian, refugees and internal displaced persons (IDP). This study elucidates the root causes of long wars in the Horn of Africa focusing mainly on South Sudan and Somalia. It also illustrates how the Super Powers during the Cold War helped their client states to prolong the suffering of people in the region. When Socialist system disappeared from Eastern Europe, Mengistu Haile Mariam's and Siyad Barre's regime ignominiously collapsed. In Ethiopia Amhara power elite, who ruled the Empire state from 1889 to 1991 lost their state power and Tigrian guerrilla fighters captured it through the power of the gun, Eritrea gained its independence from Ethiopia, South Sudan is emerging from long heinous war to independence. The violent conflict in Somalia transformed after the old regime demise in 1991 and the new leaders unable to build new central government. Somalia is fragmented and became the good example of failed state in the theory of contemporary political sociology. The paper tries to explain these complex violent conflicts in this part of Africa.