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The Korea Institute for International Economic Policy (KIEP) has selected the paper "Comparing the Global and Merged with the Local and Separate: On a Downside to the Integration of Regions and Nations," authored by Prof. Oded Stark (Universities of Bonn and Warsaw; Georgetown University) for the EAER Award for Excellence 2016. As a quarterly journal published by KIEP, the East Asian Economic Review (EAER) annually selects and announces the winner of its Award for Excellence, with the purpose of building stronger theoretical foundations and advancing interdisciplinary research in the field of international economics. The winner of the Award is offered a monetary prize of KRW 5,000,000.

Collin N Smith,1 John D Kraemer,2 Andrea C Johnson,1 Darren Mays1 1Department of Oncology, Georgetown University Medical Center, Lombardi Comprehensive Cancer Center, Washington, DC, USA; 2Department of Health Systems Administration, School of Nursing and Health Studies, Georgetown University, Washington, DC, USA Abstract: Tobacco industry marketing is a primary factor influencing cigarette smoking behavior and the cigarette pack has become an important marketing vehicle for tobacco companies. Standardized "plain" cigarette packaging is advocated as a public health policy to prevent and reduce morbidity and mortality caused by smoking by reducing youth smoking initiation and promoting cessation among smokers. Plain packaging was implemented in Australia in December 2012, and several other countries are considering doing so, but each faces foreseeable legal resistance from opponents to such measures. Tobacco companies have challenged these public health policies, citing international trade agreements and intellectual property laws. Decision-making in these court cases will hinge in part on whether the evidence indicates the public health benefits of plain packaging outweigh any potential harm to tobacco manufacturers' interests. We reviewed the available evidence in support of plain packaging, finding evidence from observational, experimental, and population-based studies. Results indicate that plain packaging can reduce positive perceptions of smoking and dissuade tobacco use. Governments deciding to implement plain cigarette packaging measures can rely on this evidence to help make a strong case that plain packaging plays an important role in the context of comprehensive smoking prevention efforts. Keywords: cigarette smoking, tobacco, plain packaging, regulation, policy

The Uruguay Round trade agreement, recently ratified by Congress, was the eighth in a series of negotiations under the auspices of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Like the ratification proceddings, the negotiations were both contentious and extended. In the end, they substantially changed the structure of the GATT. From its traditional emphasis on reducing formal barriers to trade in goods, the GATT has now moved to a broader agenda of issues that will dominate in a more integrated world economy. The New GATT encompasses a set of agreements governing trade in goods, trade in services, the protection of intellectual property rights, and new procedures for resolving trade disputes. All of these measures are to be unified under a new institutional structure, the World Trade Organization. In this book, the major features of the new GATT are reviewed and assessed in terms of their implications for the United States. The contributors are Alan Deardorff, University of Michigan; Bernard Hoekman, the World Bank; John Jackson, University of Michigan School of Law; and Tim Josling, Food Research Institute, Stanford University. Susan M. Collins is a senior fellow in the Economic Studies program at Brookings and associate professor of economics at Georgetown University. Barry P. Bosworth, a senior fellow at Brookings, is the editor and author of numerous Brookings books, including The Chilean Economy: Policy Lessons and Challenges (Brookings, 1994) and Saving and Investment in a Global Economy (Brookings, 1993).

This chapter analyzes the Unasur's role as mediator in internal crisis of Bolivia (2008) and Ecuador (2010), and the inter-state conflicts of Colombia-Ecuador (2008) and Colombia-Venezuela (2009 and 2010). Likewise, its institutional entrepreneurship in the collective defense of democracy with the Georgetown Protocol of 2010 and, its counter-balance role during the US-Colombian military Agreement crisis (2009), which was a starting point for the creation of the South American Defence Council (SADC). Later, it analyzes Unasur's decline due to Chávez's death (2013), and the appeasement of the organization on the democratic backsliding in Venezuela (2014–2017). Its decline (2018–2019) confirms the fragility of Latin American multilateralism liable to political cycle changes. The rise of right-wing governments, less committed to political concertation at the multilateral level, generates Unasur's dismemberment and the birth of the Forum for the Progress and Development of South America (Prosur) a weak project with the old multilateral practices of the Americas.

"I worked in a trailer that ICE had set aside for conversations between the women and the attorneys. While we talked, their children, most of whom seemed to be between three and eight years old, played with a few toys on the floor. It was hard for me to get my head around the idea of a jail full of toddlers, but there they were." For decades, advocates for refugee children and families have fought to end the U.S. government's practice of jailing children and families for months, or even years, until overburdened immigration courts could rule on their claims for asylum. Baby Jails is the history of that legal and political struggle. Philip G. Schrag, the director of Georgetown University's asylum law clinic, takes readers through thirty years of conflict over which refugee advocates resisted the detention of migrant children. The saga began during the Reagan administration when 15-year-old Jenny Lisette Flores languished in a Los Angeles motel that the government had turned into a makeshift jail by draining the swimming pool, barring the windows, and surrounding the building with barbed wire. What became known as the Flores Settlement Agreement was still at issue years later, when the Trump administration resorted to the forced separation of families after the courts would not allow long-term jailing of the children. Schrag provides recommendations for the reform of a system that has brought anguish and trauma to thousands of parents and children. Provocative and timely, Baby Jails exposes the ongoing struggle between the U.S. government and immigrant advocates over the duration and conditions of confinement of children who seek safety in America

Nearly two dozen U.S. senators sent a letter to President Biden on Wednesday expressing concern about reports of a potential American security guarantee for Saudi Arabia that has been reported to be part of a larger normalization deal with Israel. "Peace between Israel and its neighbors has been a longstanding goal of U.S. foreign policy, and we are maintaining an open mind about any agreement that would potentially deepen the political, cultural and economic ties between Saudi Arabia and Israel," says the letter, which was led by Sens. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) and Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.). But, the senators add, "We are concerned about reports that Saudi Arabia is requesting a security guarantee from the United States in exchange for normalization with Israel. Historically, security guarantees through defense treaties have only been provided to the closest of U.S. allies: democracies that share our interests and our values." Murphy has been particularly vocal about committing U.S. troops to Saudi Arabia's security, wondering during a recent CNN interview, "Is this the kind of stable regime that we should commit American blood to defending?" The senators said they would need a "high degree of proof" that such an arrangement with Saudi Arabia "aligns with U.S. interests," given that the Saudi government is "an authoritarian regime which regularly undermines U.S. interests in the region, has a deeply concerning human rights record, and has pursued an aggressive and reckless foreign policy agenda."The letter also expressed concern about the possibility of a civilian nuclear program inside Saudi Arabia as part of any wider deal and said that any agreement "should include meaningful, clearly defined and enforceable provisions to achieve your stated objective of preserving the option of a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and to ensure that there be 'equal measures of dignity and security' for both Israelis and Palestinians."Concerns about any broad U.S.-Saudi-Israel agreement on these terms have reverberated outside Capitol Hill as well. The Biden administration "still has not explained how any such agreement would serve either U.S. interests or the cause of peace and stability in the Middle East," said Paul R. Pillar, a non-resident Senior Fellow at the Center for Security Studies at Georgetown University. "In fact," he added, "it would do neither, and instead would only prolong and even increase confrontation and instability in the region."The Cato Institute's Jonathan Hoffman wrote in RS last week that Saudi Crown Prince Mohamed bin Salman is exploiting American fears of growing Chinese influence in the region to extract big concessions from the U.S. "A security guarantee for Saudi Arabia would entrap Washington as Riyadh's protector despite a fundamental disconnect between the interests and values of the United States and the kingdom," he said.

A symposium on technology transfer & public policy that describes & assesses efforts to harness scientific & technological resources for economic development in international competition. In Academic Perceptions of University-Firm Technology Transfer, Dianne Rahm (U of South Florida, Tampa) draws from a survey of academic researchers in the US's top universities to assess the extent of technology transfer between universities & industry. In A Comparative Analysis of Civilian Technology Strategies among Some Nations, Leonard L. Lederman (National Science Foundation, Washington, DC 20550) reviews the civilian technology policies of France, the Federal Republic of Germany, Japan, GB, & the US, comparing data on research & development funding, science, engineering personnel, & technological outputs. In Moving Towards an American Industrial Technology Policy, Paul Teske (State U of New York, Stony Brook) & Renee Johnson argue that the US emphasis on civilian technology, targeted manufacturing, & state-level technology programs is leading to a more coherent industrial technology policy than in the past. In The Politics of International Technology Transfer: Lessons from the Korean Experience, Sung Deuk Hahm (Georgetown U, Washington, DC), L. Christopher Plein, & Richard Florida analyze technology transfer patterns from the US & Japan to South Korea, 1962-1992. In Evaluating Government Technology Transfer: Early Impacts of the "Cooperative Technology Paradigm," Barry Bozeman (Georgia Instit of Technology, Atlanta) builds on earlier efforts to document the impact of technology tranfer in government laboratories, finding that the % of labs involved in technology transfer increased dramatically between 1987-1990. In Technology Transfer and the Federal Laboratories: A Midterm Assessment of Cooperative Research, Evan Michael Berman (U of Miami, Coral Gables, FL) evaluates the Cooperative Research & Development Agreement (CRADA) process, finding that there are significant legal obstacles to the use of CRADAs. In Public Policy and Emerging Sources of Technology and Technological Information Available to Industry, J.David Roessner (Georgia Instit of Technology, Atlanta) & Anne Wise report the perceptions of technology transfer managers in US manufacturing firms toward federal & university labs & identify the types of firms that are best positioned to utilize externally available technological resouces. In Defense Conversion and Dual-Use Technology: The Push Toward Civil-Military Integration, Linda Brandt (Industrial Coll of the Armed Forces, National Defense U) explores the concept of defense conversion as it relates to the defense industry, particularly dual-use technology & its applications. In Technology Transfer and Public Policy: Lessons from a Case Study, Gary W. Matkin (U of California, Berkeley) examines why the U of California has been unable to establish either a nonprofit foundation to manage its considerable portfolio of intellectual property or a for-profit company to fund development & start-up efforts. In Technology Transfer from University to Industry: A Large-Scale Experiment with Technology Development and Commercialization, Yong S. Lee (Iowa State U, Ames) & Richard Gaertner assess whether research-intensive universities can produce economically viable technology efficiently by focusing on precommercial technology development research. 16 Tables, 13 Figures, 203 References. M. Maguire