Suchergebnisse

This report examines the ouster of Georgia's President Eduard Shevardnadze in the wake of a legislative election that may Georgians viewed as not free and fair.

This report examines the aspirations of Georgia to be invited at the upcoming April 2008 NATO Summit to participate in a Membership Action Plan, a key stage of cooperation preparatory to possible Alliance Membership.

At head of title: Délégation géorgienne a la Conférence de la paix. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This report contains political developments and implications for U.S. interests in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia.

This report summarizes the political developments and implications for U.S. interests in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia.

The government of Georgia, while complying with current international standards to eradicate human trafficking, has inadvertently neglected the needs of female sex workers. By redefining sex work as a profession and an employment option for women in Georgia, international policy and programming can reduce harm while confronting women's economic realities.

This dissertation addresses organized crime in post-Soviet Eurasia (Georgia, Ukraine, Kyrgyzstan) exploring the nexus between politics, business and crime. Based on extensive field research in the three countries the dissertation examines organized crime groups in the region and describes their inter-relationships with political and business elites, then discusses the impact of the three countries' Coloured Revolutions on crime and corruption. The impacts of the revolutions on organized crime are situated in several variables, among them political opposition to incumbent regimes; the strength of civil society and the role of organized crime groups during the revolutionary processes; personal morals of the leaders and their views on cooperation with organized crime; and the presence and nature of the "pact" between outgoing and incoming elites. The dissertation also takes into account larger explanatory variables, such as geography, natural resources, industry, and regional wars and documents their role in shaping organized crime. In accounting for the diverging patterns of the three countries in terms of post-revolutionary effects on crime and corruption, the role of the West, defined as a "push" factor for democratization, and the experience of earlier statehood are also considered. The interaction between elites and criminals is regarded as a crucial part of state formation, and is characterized by shifting dominance between the actors of the underworld and upperworld. The thesis identifies points of cooperation and conflict between licit and illicit actors, and provides insight into the collusive nature of criminal networks in the post-Soviet context, arguing that the distinction between licit and illicit is frequently blurred and the representatives of the upperworld are sometimes key participants in organized criminal activity.

Ethnic conflict in South Ossetia still remains as one of the acute problems for Georgia. Despite numeral attempts of the conflictresolution August War of 2008 was not avoided. A big number of Georgian and foreign researchers work on the ways of conflictresolution with no significant success. In the article below will be analyzed one of the historical periods of the beginning of the 20thcentury when the first ethnic clashes between Georgians and ethnic Ossetians took place. The important factor of this period is thatthe soviet power was taking all efforts to conceal these facts as it was against its interest to have ethnic conflicts on its multiethnicand multicultural territory. After the collapse of the USSR Russia again helped to provoke the conflict as weakening of newly independentGeorgiawas in its interests.

Although Georgia has granted dual citizenship to more than 36,000 people since 2004 and simplified naturalisation requirements, ius sanguinis remains the central principle of the established citizenship regime, and ethnicity largely determines one's dual citizenship. The post-Soviet nationality policies of Georgia can be linked to that of Georgia's First Democratic Republic of 1918-1921. On both occasions — after the fall of the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union — Georgia had to apply collective naturalisation, encountered secessionist movements at home, and faced the difficult struggle of establishing new economic, political and social systems. The main difference between the two systems was that the earlier one was social democratic, whereas the latter was market-oriented.

Democratic Republic of Georgia (1918-1921) was one of the unique states in the first quarter of XX century. Despite the historical relations between the Church and the State in Georgia, the social-democratic government changed its official policy and chose French secularism, which was very unusual for the country. This was incorporated in the Constitution of 1921. This article is about the Georgian church-state relations during 1918-1921, the positive and negative aspects of the chosen form of secularism and the challenges that the newly independent State faced in the sphere of religious freedom until the Soviet occupation. ; Na tle współczesnych jej państw, Demokratyczna Republika Gruzji (1918- 1921) jawi się jako byt unikatowy. Pomimo historycznie utrwalonych związków pomiędzy Kościołem i Państwem, socjaldemokratyczny rząd zmienił oficjalną politykę i obrał model francuskiego sekularyzmu, co stało się sytuacją wyjątkową z uwagi na gruzińskie tradycje. Model ten został przyjęty w Konstytucji z 1921 r. Niniejszy artykuł poświęcony jest relacjom Państwo-Kościół w latach 1918-1921, w tym pozytywnym i negatywnym aspektom przyjętej formy sekularyzmu, a także wyzwaniom, przed jakimi stanęło niepodległe państwo w zakresie wolności religijnej do czasu sowieckiej okupacji.

Democratic Republic of Georgia (1918-1921) was one of the unique states in the first quarter of XX century. Despite the historical relations between the Church and the State in Georgia, the social-democratic government changed its official policy and chose French secularism, which was very unusual for the country. This was incorporated in the Constitution of 1921. This article is about the Georgian church-state relations during 1918-1921, the positive and negative aspects of the chosen form of secularism and the challenges that the newly independent State faced in the sphere of religious freedom until the Soviet occupation. ; Na tle współczesnych jej państw, Demokratyczna Republika Gruzji (1918- 1921) jawi się jako byt unikatowy. Pomimo historycznie utrwalonych związków pomiędzy Kościołem i Państwem, socjaldemokratyczny rząd zmienił oficjalną politykę i obrał model francuskiego sekularyzmu, co stało się sytuacją wyjątkową z uwagi na gruzińskie tradycje. Model ten został przyjęty w Konstytucji z 1921 r. Niniejszy artykuł poświęcony jest relacjom Państwo-Kościół w latach 1918-1921, w tym pozytywnym i negatywnym aspektom przyjętej formy sekularyzmu, a także wyzwaniom, przed jakimi stanęło niepodległe państwo w zakresie wolności religijnej do czasu sowieckiej okupacji.

This article connects a specific generational experience of having been dispossessed of former social status and political influence to suspicious theories of conspiracies and hidden connections. Th rough ethnographic cases from Georgia I argue that while acting as an explanatory framework for the personal experience of being economically and politically dispossessed, conspiracy theorizing may also work as an everyday means of reappropriating a morally meaningful social identity through the mirroring of a general form of political rhetoric and power. The theories analyzed in the article draw on socially and culturally recognizable registers and tap into a general atmosphere of suspicion and opacity in which mistrust of official accounts and rhetoric is reasonable and appealing. They thus work as a means of repacking generational and economical marginality into a broader framework that is of concern to the wider community and may be seen to represent an effort of reclaiming a moral high ground and being reinscribed into wider social and national domains.

This paper discusses the problems regarding the decentralisation of a formerly communist country. In Georgia, the first steps towards decentralisation failed, since the transition process led to a power vacuum that escalated in bloody conflicts and secessionist movements. The status of Abkhazia and South Ossetia is still unclear and the intra-state tensions remain unsolved. This may be one of the reasons why the most recent attempts of decentralisation are rather hesitant. It is far from clear whether decentralisation in response to regional tensions would increase instability or political stability. We identify the limited autonomy at the local and regional levels as a major obstacle and challenge for the further reform process.

Democratic Republic of Georgia (1918-1921) was one of the unique states in the first quarter of XX century. Despite the historical relations between the Church and the State in Georgia, the social-democratic government changed its official policy and chose French secularism, which was very unusual for the country. This was incorporated in the Constitution of 1921. This article is about the Georgian church-state relations during 1918-1921, the positive and negative aspects of the chosen form of secularism and the challenges that the newly independent State faced in the sphere of religious freedom until the Soviet occupation. ; Na tle współczesnych jej państw, Demokratyczna Republika Gruzji (1918-1921) jawi się jako byt unikatowy. Pomimo historycznie utrwalonych związków pomiędzy Kościołem i Państwem, socjaldemokratyczny rząd zmienił oficjalną politykę i obrał model francuskiego sekularyzmu, co stało się sytuacją wyjątkową z uwagi na gruzińskie tradycje. Model ten został przyjęty w Konstytucji z 1921 r. Niniejszy artykuł poświęcony jest relacjom Państwo-Kościół w latach 1918-1921, w tym pozytywnym i negatywnym aspektom przyjętej formy sekularyzmu, a także wyzwaniom, przed jakimi stanęło niepodległe państwo w zakresie wolności religijnej do czasu sowieckiej okupacji.

Since the 2003 Rose Revolution, the Georgian government implemented a number of major institutional reforms which have succeeded in modernising Georgia's state institutions, reducing corruption and 'formalising' the public sector. While the effects of Saakashvili's reforms on state and institution-building, corruption and the rule of law have been examined by a large and growing body of academic literature, there has been little discussion about the impact of institutional changes on the previously widespread culture of informality in Georgia. This article explores the effects of Georgian institution-building from such aspects of informality as the use of informal networks and connections in exchanges of favours, gift-giving and other types of informal activities. The findings of this study, based on the analysis of recent surveys and in-depth interviews, conclude that the reforms succeeded in undermining the overall importance of informal practices in dealings with state bureaucracy, education system, healthcare, law enforcement, judiciary and some other areas previously dominated by informality. However, the reliance on informality did not disappear, and informal networks are still employed as coping mechanisms and as social safety nets.