Suchergebnisse

Master thesis Russia - Georgia information warfare reflection in Lithuanian and Italian mass media by Vilija Navickaite the student of Vilnius university Communication faculty the Institute of Journalism, aims to analyze the case study of Russia Georgia information warfare reflection in selected Lithuania and Italian mass media. Five day war between Russia and Georgia held in the summer of 2008 during the Olympic games in Beijing immediately concentrated the world's mass media attention and raised the public sphere discussions on the reasons and consequences of two states confrontation. This statement was fundamental for the research main question uplift: which position Lithuanian and Italian mass media took in the Russia Georgia conflict and what reasons did it determine. The paper claims to verify the hypothesis that Italian mass media was favourable to Russia's position considering official Italian Russian close relationship and the personal friendship of recent Italian prime minister and media magnate Silvio Berlusconi with Russia's ex president and recent prime minister Vladimir Putin. By the other hand Lithuanian mass media should have been fovourable to Georgia's position considering common historical experience and the official Lithuania's government support to this country advocating in European Union and NATO membership procedure. In order to verify the selected hypothesis the research was based on information warfare and communication security theoretical concepts by using quantitative and qualitative analyses in empirical research of publications in selected Lithuanian and Italian mass media. In order to evaluate the hypothesis and achieve the paper aim, which is to find if there is a reflection of Russia Georgia information warfare in Lithuanian and Italian mass media by holding the empirical analysis of the mass media publications, the objectives of the research are the following: • determine the consequences of information warfare to the nation security and the theories of international relations; • dispute the concept of communication security in information age; • explore the concept of information warfare; • determine the media input in war conflict coverage; • explore the Italian and Lithuanian mass media publications by selected criteria: o analyze the publications of Lithuania mass media by quantitative and qualitative analyses methods; o analyze the publications of Italian mass media by quantitative and qualitative analyses methods; • Nustatyti, kokią poziciją palaikė tiek Lietuvos, tiek Italijos žiniasklaidos priemonės Rusijos Gruzijos konflikto atžvilgiu ir paaiškinti, kas lėmė tokios pozicijos atsiradimą. • Measure whether position was take by Italian and Lithuanian mass media in Russia Georgia conflict and what were the reasons for such attitude. According to the empirical research the evidence of information warfare is clear. From the quantitative analyses of Lithuanian mass media it was determinate that Lithuanian mass media position was favourable to Georgia' because of the historical linkage and the official Lithuanian government position. The case of Italian mass media research by the same method outcome the data telling that Italian mass media has taken neutral position. Such outcome come evident because of the type of analyzed mass media which belongs to central left political parties recently placing in opposition and criticizing the S. Berlusconi decision to be favourable to Russia' s position. Therefore, the conflict between Russia and Georgia, according to the media researches, was the war of "theirs" and that's way Italian mass media has taken the position only to fulfill its function – inform the society of happening events. According to the written above it can be stated that the hypothesis was approved only partly.

Master thesis Russia - Georgia information warfare reflection in Lithuanian and Italian mass media by Vilija Navickaite the student of Vilnius university Communication faculty the Institute of Journalism, aims to analyze the case study of Russia Georgia information warfare reflection in selected Lithuania and Italian mass media. Five day war between Russia and Georgia held in the summer of 2008 during the Olympic games in Beijing immediately concentrated the world's mass media attention and raised the public sphere discussions on the reasons and consequences of two states confrontation. This statement was fundamental for the research main question uplift: which position Lithuanian and Italian mass media took in the Russia Georgia conflict and what reasons did it determine. The paper claims to verify the hypothesis that Italian mass media was favourable to Russia's position considering official Italian Russian close relationship and the personal friendship of recent Italian prime minister and media magnate Silvio Berlusconi with Russia's ex president and recent prime minister Vladimir Putin. By the other hand Lithuanian mass media should have been fovourable to Georgia's position considering common historical experience and the official Lithuania's government support to this country advocating in European Union and NATO membership procedure. In order to verify the selected hypothesis the research was based on information warfare and communication security theoretical concepts by using quantitative and qualitative analyses in empirical research of publications in selected Lithuanian and Italian mass media. In order to evaluate the hypothesis and achieve the paper aim, which is to find if there is a reflection of Russia Georgia information warfare in Lithuanian and Italian mass media by holding the empirical analysis of the mass media publications, the objectives of the research are the following: • determine the consequences of information warfare to the nation security and the theories of international relations; • dispute the concept of communication security in information age; • explore the concept of information warfare; • determine the media input in war conflict coverage; • explore the Italian and Lithuanian mass media publications by selected criteria: o analyze the publications of Lithuania mass media by quantitative and qualitative analyses methods; o analyze the publications of Italian mass media by quantitative and qualitative analyses methods; • Nustatyti, kokią poziciją palaikė tiek Lietuvos, tiek Italijos žiniasklaidos priemonės Rusijos Gruzijos konflikto atžvilgiu ir paaiškinti, kas lėmė tokios pozicijos atsiradimą. • Measure whether position was take by Italian and Lithuanian mass media in Russia Georgia conflict and what were the reasons for such attitude. According to the empirical research the evidence of information warfare is clear. From the quantitative analyses of Lithuanian mass media it was determinate that Lithuanian mass media position was favourable to Georgia' because of the historical linkage and the official Lithuanian government position. The case of Italian mass media research by the same method outcome the data telling that Italian mass media has taken neutral position. Such outcome come evident because of the type of analyzed mass media which belongs to central left political parties recently placing in opposition and criticizing the S. Berlusconi decision to be favourable to Russia' s position. Therefore, the conflict between Russia and Georgia, according to the media researches, was the war of "theirs" and that's way Italian mass media has taken the position only to fulfill its function – inform the society of happening events. According to the written above it can be stated that the hypothesis was approved only partly.

Master thesis Russia - Georgia information warfare reflection in Lithuanian and Italian mass media by Vilija Navickaite the student of Vilnius university Communication faculty the Institute of Journalism, aims to analyze the case study of Russia Georgia information warfare reflection in selected Lithuania and Italian mass media. Five day war between Russia and Georgia held in the summer of 2008 during the Olympic games in Beijing immediately concentrated the world's mass media attention and raised the public sphere discussions on the reasons and consequences of two states confrontation. This statement was fundamental for the research main question uplift: which position Lithuanian and Italian mass media took in the Russia Georgia conflict and what reasons did it determine. The paper claims to verify the hypothesis that Italian mass media was favourable to Russia's position considering official Italian Russian close relationship and the personal friendship of recent Italian prime minister and media magnate Silvio Berlusconi with Russia's ex president and recent prime minister Vladimir Putin. By the other hand Lithuanian mass media should have been fovourable to Georgia's position considering common historical experience and the official Lithuania's government support to this country advocating in European Union and NATO membership procedure. In order to verify the selected hypothesis the research was based on information warfare and communication security theoretical concepts by using quantitative and qualitative analyses in empirical research of publications in selected Lithuanian and Italian mass media. In order to evaluate the hypothesis and achieve the paper aim, which is to find if there is a reflection of Russia Georgia information warfare in Lithuanian and Italian mass media by holding the empirical analysis of the mass media publications, the objectives of the research are the following: • determine the consequences of information warfare to the nation security and the theories of international relations; • dispute the concept of communication security in information age; • explore the concept of information warfare; • determine the media input in war conflict coverage; • explore the Italian and Lithuanian mass media publications by selected criteria: o analyze the publications of Lithuania mass media by quantitative and qualitative analyses methods; o analyze the publications of Italian mass media by quantitative and qualitative analyses methods; • Nustatyti, kokią poziciją palaikė tiek Lietuvos, tiek Italijos žiniasklaidos priemonės Rusijos Gruzijos konflikto atžvilgiu ir paaiškinti, kas lėmė tokios pozicijos atsiradimą. • Measure whether position was take by Italian and Lithuanian mass media in Russia Georgia conflict and what were the reasons for such attitude. According to the empirical research the evidence of information warfare is clear. From the quantitative analyses of Lithuanian mass media it was determinate that Lithuanian mass media position was favourable to Georgia' because of the historical linkage and the official Lithuanian government position. The case of Italian mass media research by the same method outcome the data telling that Italian mass media has taken neutral position. Such outcome come evident because of the type of analyzed mass media which belongs to central left political parties recently placing in opposition and criticizing the S. Berlusconi decision to be favourable to Russia' s position. Therefore, the conflict between Russia and Georgia, according to the media researches, was the war of "theirs" and that's way Italian mass media has taken the position only to fulfill its function – inform the society of happening events. According to the written above it can be stated that the hypothesis was approved only partly.

Master thesis Russia - Georgia information warfare reflection in Lithuanian and Italian mass media by Vilija Navickaite the student of Vilnius university Communication faculty the Institute of Journalism, aims to analyze the case study of Russia Georgia information warfare reflection in selected Lithuania and Italian mass media. Five day war between Russia and Georgia held in the summer of 2008 during the Olympic games in Beijing immediately concentrated the world's mass media attention and raised the public sphere discussions on the reasons and consequences of two states confrontation. This statement was fundamental for the research main question uplift: which position Lithuanian and Italian mass media took in the Russia Georgia conflict and what reasons did it determine. The paper claims to verify the hypothesis that Italian mass media was favourable to Russia's position considering official Italian Russian close relationship and the personal friendship of recent Italian prime minister and media magnate Silvio Berlusconi with Russia's ex president and recent prime minister Vladimir Putin. By the other hand Lithuanian mass media should have been fovourable to Georgia's position considering common historical experience and the official Lithuania's government support to this country advocating in European Union and NATO membership procedure. In order to verify the selected hypothesis the research was based on information warfare and communication security theoretical concepts by using quantitative and qualitative analyses in empirical research of publications in selected Lithuanian and Italian mass media. In order to evaluate the hypothesis and achieve the paper aim, which is to find if there is a reflection of Russia Georgia information warfare in Lithuanian and Italian mass media by holding the empirical analysis of the mass media publications, the objectives of the research are the following: • determine the consequences of information warfare to the nation security and the theories of international relations; • dispute the concept of communication security in information age; • explore the concept of information warfare; • determine the media input in war conflict coverage; • explore the Italian and Lithuanian mass media publications by selected criteria: o analyze the publications of Lithuania mass media by quantitative and qualitative analyses methods; o analyze the publications of Italian mass media by quantitative and qualitative analyses methods; • Nustatyti, kokią poziciją palaikė tiek Lietuvos, tiek Italijos žiniasklaidos priemonės Rusijos Gruzijos konflikto atžvilgiu ir paaiškinti, kas lėmė tokios pozicijos atsiradimą. • Measure whether position was take by Italian and Lithuanian mass media in Russia Georgia conflict and what were the reasons for such attitude. According to the empirical research the evidence of information warfare is clear. From the quantitative analyses of Lithuanian mass media it was determinate that Lithuanian mass media position was favourable to Georgia' because of the historical linkage and the official Lithuanian government position. The case of Italian mass media research by the same method outcome the data telling that Italian mass media has taken neutral position. Such outcome come evident because of the type of analyzed mass media which belongs to central left political parties recently placing in opposition and criticizing the S. Berlusconi decision to be favourable to Russia' s position. Therefore, the conflict between Russia and Georgia, according to the media researches, was the war of "theirs" and that's way Italian mass media has taken the position only to fulfill its function – inform the society of happening events. According to the written above it can be stated that the hypothesis was approved only partly.

The dissertation examines US democracy protection policy carried out in three post-Soviet countries that had been just moved away from autocratic rule: Russia in 1991-1996; Georgia in 2003-2008; and Ukraine in 2004-2009. It aims to answer the question whether US policy increased or decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation in new democracies. Based on theoretical insights from the disciplines of both comparative politics and international relations, two novel research instruments are developed: the 'two scales' model and the concept of pragmatic democracy protection policy. By employing these two research instruments, it is revealed that US national security interests have had a distorting impact on US democracy protection policy towards Russia, Georgia and Ukraine. Due to its interest in the cooperation with leaders in power, the US did not apply the principal of democratic conditionality in bilateral relations with the three post-Soviet countries and did not deter the non-democratic behaviour of their governments. Such US policy decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation. Furthermore, US security interests corrupted US-funded democracy assistance programmes in two out of three cases (in Russia and Georgia). Instead of enabling the opposition and civil society in new democracies, these programmes increased the asymmetry of political playing field and limited the capability of civil society to control the government. This also decreased the likelihood of the consolidation of new democracies.

The dissertation examines US democracy protection policy carried out in three post-Soviet countries that had been just moved away from autocratic rule: Russia in 1991-1996; Georgia in 2003-2008; and Ukraine in 2004-2009. It aims to answer the question whether US policy increased or decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation in new democracies. Based on theoretical insights from the disciplines of both comparative politics and international relations, two novel research instruments are developed: the 'two scales' model and the concept of pragmatic democracy protection policy. By employing these two research instruments, it is revealed that US national security interests have had a distorting impact on US democracy protection policy towards Russia, Georgia and Ukraine. Due to its interest in the cooperation with leaders in power, the US did not apply the principal of democratic conditionality in bilateral relations with the three post-Soviet countries and did not deter the non-democratic behaviour of their governments. Such US policy decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation. Furthermore, US security interests corrupted US-funded democracy assistance programmes in two out of three cases (in Russia and Georgia). Instead of enabling the opposition and civil society in new democracies, these programmes increased the asymmetry of political playing field and limited the capability of civil society to control the government. This also decreased the likelihood of the consolidation of new democracies.

The dissertation examines US democracy protection policy carried out in three post-Soviet countries that had been just moved away from autocratic rule: Russia in 1991-1996; Georgia in 2003-2008; and Ukraine in 2004-2009. It aims to answer the question whether US policy increased or decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation in new democracies. Based on theoretical insights from the disciplines of both comparative politics and international relations, two novel research instruments are developed: the 'two scales' model and the concept of pragmatic democracy protection policy. By employing these two research instruments, it is revealed that US national security interests have had a distorting impact on US democracy protection policy towards Russia, Georgia and Ukraine. Due to its interest in the cooperation with leaders in power, the US did not apply the principal of democratic conditionality in bilateral relations with the three post-Soviet countries and did not deter the non-democratic behaviour of their governments. Such US policy decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation. Furthermore, US security interests corrupted US-funded democracy assistance programmes in two out of three cases (in Russia and Georgia). Instead of enabling the opposition and civil society in new democracies, these programmes increased the asymmetry of political playing field and limited the capability of civil society to control the government. This also decreased the likelihood of the consolidation of new democracies.

The dissertation examines US democracy protection policy carried out in three post-Soviet countries that had been just moved away from autocratic rule: Russia in 1991-1996; Georgia in 2003-2008; and Ukraine in 2004-2009. It aims to answer the question whether US policy increased or decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation in new democracies. Based on theoretical insights from the disciplines of both comparative politics and international relations, two novel research instruments are developed: the 'two scales' model and the concept of pragmatic democracy protection policy. By employing these two research instruments, it is revealed that US national security interests have had a distorting impact on US democracy protection policy towards Russia, Georgia and Ukraine. Due to its interest in the cooperation with leaders in power, the US did not apply the principal of democratic conditionality in bilateral relations with the three post-Soviet countries and did not deter the non-democratic behaviour of their governments. Such US policy decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation. Furthermore, US security interests corrupted US-funded democracy assistance programmes in two out of three cases (in Russia and Georgia). Instead of enabling the opposition and civil society in new democracies, these programmes increased the asymmetry of political playing field and limited the capability of civil society to control the government. This also decreased the likelihood of the consolidation of new democracies.

The problem of post-soviet political regimes' transformation is analysed in the present dissertation. Ukraine and Georgia are chosen as the case studies. Structural theoretical approach, developed in the dissertation allows the inclusion of material and ideational as well as internal and external factors into the analysis if regime transformation. It as argued that the main obstacle in the process is the intersecting influence of structural milieu promoted by different external actors. The argument is based on the presumption that Russian and European actors, which operate in different structural milieu, comprised of identity, institutions and material basis, create the phenomenon of intersecting structures. It is the main reason and obstacle for the establishment of consistent and stable "order" in post-soviet space. Ukraine and Georgia, being materially dependent both on Russia and Ukraine at the same time do not have stable collective identities and clearly institutionalized and compatible formal and informal "rules of the game". Meanwhile, Russian and European actors promote different structural patterns of interaction therefore promoting instability and hampering regime transformation. The dissertation provides with a comprehensive analysis of Russia's and Europe's structural features and their impact on agents' behaviour. Georgian and Ukrainian structural milieu of operation is also conducted. Finally, prospects for establishment of Russian and European structural milieu in post-soviet space are assessed and advantages/shortages of the existing measures are identified.

The problem of post-soviet political regimes' transformation is analysed in the present dissertation. Ukraine and Georgia are chosen as the case studies. Structural theoretical approach, developed in the dissertation allows the inclusion of material and ideational as well as internal and external factors into the analysis if regime transformation. It as argued that the main obstacle in the process is the intersecting influence of structural milieu promoted by different external actors. The argument is based on the presumption that Russian and European actors, which operate in different structural milieu, comprised of identity, institutions and material basis, create the phenomenon of intersecting structures. It is the main reason and obstacle for the establishment of consistent and stable "order" in post-soviet space. Ukraine and Georgia, being materially dependent both on Russia and Ukraine at the same time do not have stable collective identities and clearly institutionalized and compatible formal and informal "rules of the game". Meanwhile, Russian and European actors promote different structural patterns of interaction therefore promoting instability and hampering regime transformation. The dissertation provides with a comprehensive analysis of Russia's and Europe's structural features and their impact on agents' behaviour. Georgian and Ukrainian structural milieu of operation is also conducted. Finally, prospects for establishment of Russian and European structural milieu in post-soviet space are assessed and advantages/shortages of the existing measures are identified.

The five-day war between Russia and Georgia in the summer of 2008 during the Olympic games in Beijing immediately concentrated the world's mass media attention and raised public discussions on the reasons and consequences of this confrontation. The paper claims to verify the hypothesis that the Italian mass media were favourable to Russia's position considering the official Italian–Russian close relationships and the personal friendship of recent Italian prime minister and media magnate Silvio Berlusconi with Russia's expresident and recent prime minister Vladimir Putin. On the other hand, Lithuanian mass media should have been a favourable to Georgia's position considering the common historical experience and the official Lithuania's governmental support of this country advocated in the European Union and NATO membership procedure. By holding the empirical analysis of the mass media publications, the objectives of the research were the following: 1) to explore the concept of information warfare; 2) to determine the contribution of the media to the conflict coverage; 3) to analyze the Italian and Lithuanian mass media publications by selected criteria: a) to analyze the publications of Lithuanian mass media by quantitative and qualitative methods b) to analyze the publications of Italian mass media by quantitative and qualitative methods; 4) to analyze the reasons for such attitude. According to the empirical research, the evidence of information warfare is clear. Lithuanian mass media into the information warfare. It surrendered to the rule engaged during the war to support the government. This shows that Lithuanian mass media deviated from the truth and objectivity. During the war, Lithuanian society received biased partial information. News from the five-day war between Russia and Georgia were unreliable and incomplete. Ther were no neutral and balanced answers to the questions why the war broke out, who started the fire, how it developed. This happened not just because Russia and Georgia waged the information war, but also as a responsibility of Lithuanian mass media to follow the politics of support to Georgia. The Italian mass media took a neutral position, the type of analyzed mass media which belongs to central left political parties recently placing in opposition and criticizing the S. Berlusconi decision to be favourable to Russia' s position. Therefore, the conflict between Russia and Georgia was "their" and the Italian mass media just informed society about the events. Thus, the hypothesis was corroborated only in part.

The five-day war between Russia and Georgia in the summer of 2008 during the Olympic games in Beijing immediately concentrated the world's mass media attention and raised public discussions on the reasons and consequences of this confrontation. The paper claims to verify the hypothesis that the Italian mass media were favourable to Russia's position considering the official Italian–Russian close relationships and the personal friendship of recent Italian prime minister and media magnate Silvio Berlusconi with Russia's expresident and recent prime minister Vladimir Putin. On the other hand, Lithuanian mass media should have been a favourable to Georgia's position considering the common historical experience and the official Lithuania's governmental support of this country advocated in the European Union and NATO membership procedure. By holding the empirical analysis of the mass media publications, the objectives of the research were the following: 1) to explore the concept of information warfare; 2) to determine the contribution of the media to the conflict coverage; 3) to analyze the Italian and Lithuanian mass media publications by selected criteria: a) to analyze the publications of Lithuanian mass media by quantitative and qualitative methods b) to analyze the publications of Italian mass media by quantitative and qualitative methods; 4) to analyze the reasons for such attitude. According to the empirical research, the evidence of information warfare is clear. Lithuanian mass media into the information warfare. It surrendered to the rule engaged during the war to support the government. This shows that Lithuanian mass media deviated from the truth and objectivity. During the war, Lithuanian society received biased partial information. News from the five-day war between Russia and Georgia were unreliable and incomplete. Ther were no neutral and balanced answers to the questions why the war broke out, who started the fire, how it developed. This happened not just because Russia and Georgia waged the information war, but also as a responsibility of Lithuanian mass media to follow the politics of support to Georgia. The Italian mass media took a neutral position, the type of analyzed mass media which belongs to central left political parties recently placing in opposition and criticizing the S. Berlusconi decision to be favourable to Russia' s position. Therefore, the conflict between Russia and Georgia was "their" and the Italian mass media just informed society about the events. Thus, the hypothesis was corroborated only in part.

The five-day war between Russia and Georgia in the summer of 2008 during the Olympic games in Beijing immediately concentrated the world's mass media attention and raised public discussions on the reasons and consequences of this confrontation. The paper claims to verify the hypothesis that the Italian mass media were favourable to Russia's position considering the official Italian–Russian close relationships and the personal friendship of recent Italian prime minister and media magnate Silvio Berlusconi with Russia's expresident and recent prime minister Vladimir Putin. On the other hand, Lithuanian mass media should have been a favourable to Georgia's position considering the common historical experience and the official Lithuania's governmental support of this country advocated in the European Union and NATO membership procedure. By holding the empirical analysis of the mass media publications, the objectives of the research were the following: 1) to explore the concept of information warfare; 2) to determine the contribution of the media to the conflict coverage; 3) to analyze the Italian and Lithuanian mass media publications by selected criteria: a) to analyze the publications of Lithuanian mass media by quantitative and qualitative methods b) to analyze the publications of Italian mass media by quantitative and qualitative methods; 4) to analyze the reasons for such attitude. According to the empirical research, the evidence of information warfare is clear. Lithuanian mass media into the information warfare. It surrendered to the rule engaged during the war to support the government. This shows that Lithuanian mass media deviated from the truth and objectivity. During the war, Lithuanian society received biased partial information. News from the five-day war between Russia and Georgia were unreliable and incomplete. Ther were no neutral and balanced answers to the questions why the war broke out, who started the fire, how it developed. This happened not just because Russia and Georgia waged the information war, but also as a responsibility of Lithuanian mass media to follow the politics of support to Georgia. The Italian mass media took a neutral position, the type of analyzed mass media which belongs to central left political parties recently placing in opposition and criticizing the S. Berlusconi decision to be favourable to Russia' s position. Therefore, the conflict between Russia and Georgia was "their" and the Italian mass media just informed society about the events. Thus, the hypothesis was corroborated only in part.

The five-day war between Russia and Georgia in the summer of 2008 during the Olympic games in Beijing immediately concentrated the world's mass media attention and raised public discussions on the reasons and consequences of this confrontation. The paper claims to verify the hypothesis that the Italian mass media were favourable to Russia's position considering the official Italian–Russian close relationships and the personal friendship of recent Italian prime minister and media magnate Silvio Berlusconi with Russia's expresident and recent prime minister Vladimir Putin. On the other hand, Lithuanian mass media should have been a favourable to Georgia's position considering the common historical experience and the official Lithuania's governmental support of this country advocated in the European Union and NATO membership procedure. By holding the empirical analysis of the mass media publications, the objectives of the research were the following: 1) to explore the concept of information warfare; 2) to determine the contribution of the media to the conflict coverage; 3) to analyze the Italian and Lithuanian mass media publications by selected criteria: a) to analyze the publications of Lithuanian mass media by quantitative and qualitative methods b) to analyze the publications of Italian mass media by quantitative and qualitative methods; 4) to analyze the reasons for such attitude. According to the empirical research, the evidence of information warfare is clear. Lithuanian mass media into the information warfare. It surrendered to the rule engaged during the war to support the government. This shows that Lithuanian mass media deviated from the truth and objectivity. During the war, Lithuanian society received biased partial information. News from the five-day war between Russia and Georgia were unreliable and incomplete. Ther were no neutral and balanced answers to the questions why the war broke out, who started the fire, how it developed. This happened not just because Russia and Georgia waged the information war, but also as a responsibility of Lithuanian mass media to follow the politics of support to Georgia. The Italian mass media took a neutral position, the type of analyzed mass media which belongs to central left political parties recently placing in opposition and criticizing the S. Berlusconi decision to be favourable to Russia' s position. Therefore, the conflict between Russia and Georgia was "their" and the Italian mass media just informed society about the events. Thus, the hypothesis was corroborated only in part.

In November 2003 the ex-soviet state of Georgia experienced a change of incumbents, which was famously dubbed "Rose revolution". This event propelled to power a group of pro-western politicians, led by a young, charismatic leader Mikhail Saakashvili. So-called Rose revolution marked a begining of new chapter in Georgia-Russia relations. As soon as he became president, Saakashvili declared that his main aim was to seek Georgia's eventual accesion to European Union and NATO. This announcement was met in Moscow with clear irritation. In 2006 Georgia became the target of comprehensive Russian economic sanctions. These sanctions inflicted considerable damage on Georgian economy. Moreover, in the summer of 2008 a brief military conflict erupted between Tbilisi and Moscow. The conflict ended badly for Georgians. Soon, the diplomatic relations between Georgia and Russia were severed. It looked like Tbilisi-Moscow relations had reached a definitive dead end with neither of the two neighboring countries seeking to normalize the evidently strained relationship. However, in 2012 and 2013 Georgian elections Saakashvili's party was soundly defeated by an upstart political movement "Georgian Dream", led by billionaire who made his fortune in Russia, Bidzina Ivanishvili. One of the key reasons of Ivanishvili's electoral success was poor economic situation in Georgia largely due to Russian sanctions. During his campaign, he constantly spoke about the need to improve relations with Kremlin. This slogan was met rather positively among Georgian population. This thesis attempts to solve an interesting paradox. While economic sanctions theories claim that external economic pressure frequently encourages sanctioned populations to rally around the flag, it was the opposite scenario in Georgia. Incumbents led by Mikhail Saakashvili essentialy lost voters' trust and were driven from office through electoral means. The goal of this thesis is to investigate, why Saakashvili-led political powers lost the support of the Georgian people, although theoretically that same population should have been determined to support its regime during the latter's efforts to defy economic pressure. In order to achieve the aforementioned goal, three tasks are set in this thesis. First, to analize thoroughly the influence of Moscow's economic pressure on the Georgian economy as a whole. Second, to study the results of the Georgian public opinion polls, conducted in the space of 2006 – 2013. Third, to determine which other factors besides Russian sanctions may have had impact on the change of governing powers in Georgia. Previous research on economic sanctions has identified one important aspect about their presumable success. It concerns the role of target regime type. There appears to be a clear difference between the political impact of sanctions on democratic regimes and the political impact of sanctions on autocracies. Many scholars argue that democratic incumbents may be considerably more vulnerable to external economic pressure than authoritarian incumbents. This assumption occupies a significant place in this thesis. The main conclusions of this thesis suggest that Russian sanctions dealt a particularly strong blow to Georgia's agricultural sector, which at the time still occupied a large share of country's economy. Sanctions imposed by Moscow effectively increased levels of unemployment and poverty among Georgian society. This was due to the fact that the aforementioned agricultural sector in 2006 was essentially the main provider of jobs to Georgian citizens. With the lucrative Russian market suddenly closed to Georgian production, the future prospects for many of these citizens did not look bright. This inevitably fueled popular dissatisfaction among Georgian people. It eventually broke out during the 2012-13 elections, when incumbents associated closely with Saakashvili lost in a landslide to a newly formed coalition "Georgian Dream".