Suchergebnisse

The impregnable foreign policy of Georgia is to become a full and equal member of the world. Over the past decade the country has been actively trying to integrate into the European economy, to regulate and harmonize the legal space, which will help the state to become attractive both for the world community, as well as potential investors and significantly strengthen its position in the domestic economy. A step forward in this direction may be considered signing the EU association agreement. This event clears the way to Europe for the business of Georgia. Therefore, it is extremely important to establish the proven regulations of Europe and to develop the legal space in compliance with international standards. All of this, of course, require legislative changes within the country in terms of its development, improving and adaptation, especially civil, antitrust, antidumping and competition regulatory legislation.

Mark MacPhail was murdered. The body of the white police officer was found fatally shot in Savannah, Georgia on August 19, 1989. Black and poor, Troy Anthony Davis was convicted of the murder and sentenced to death. Many people believe Davis innocent. In 2009 the U.S. Supreme Court ordered the District Court in Savannah to grant Davis an evidentiary hearing. Davis was found "not innocent." Post-conviction, "not innocent" is a complex signifier. In this case it was constructed by the District Court through four interpretive lenses: Georgia's relation to the death penalty, the Anti-terrorism Effective Death Penalty Act (AEDPA), Supreme Court rulings, and the District Court's subjective imaginary. As each of these interpretive lenses is imbued with racism, the question of whether Georgia will execute an innocent man becomes starkly real. In this paper, I examine the post-conviction construction of "not innocent" as it relates to the Troy Davis case.

Objectives. Many empirical studies have sought to explain executive‐legislative relations at the federal level; however, much less research on this topic is available at the state level. This article examines legislative‐gubernatorial relations in Georgia using the highly visible, emotion‐laden, and politically costly issue of changing the state flag.Methods. Using probit models, estimated probabilities for various sets of hypothetical legislators are constructed to explain the vote in each house of the Georgia General Assembly.Results. In the absence of executive pressure, constituency characteristics, specifically district racial composition, dominated legislative decision making on the governor's initiative. In the Senate, where there was adequate time for lobbying before the vote, the carrot of additional school construction funding weighed heavily in legislators' vote calculus.Conclusions. This study demonstrates that governors can, and do, use district‐specific benefits as a tool to help ensure the success of their legislative agendas.

Statewide evaluations of mental health services are colossal undertakings, reports of which are few in the published literature. Social workers are often called on to conduct program evaluations of both small-and large-scale mental health systems. A statewide evaluation system was implemented in the state of Georgia in 1999 to measure the impact of services on mental health, mental retardation, and substance abuse programs. This report delineates the evaluation of substance abuse services for the state of Georgia using the Addiction Severity Index. System-wide outcomes were assessed across 13 mental health regions, and 19 substance abuse programs participated. Consumers admitted to American Society of Addiction Medicine level II services were assessed at intake and 60 days posttreatment. Difficulties with the implementation of the statewide evaluation system, such as attrition, are identified and discussed. Recommendations for improving the evaluation system are also discussed.

Serbia 1999. Georgia 2003. Ukraine 2004. Everywhere the scenario plays out the same way: an authoritarian regime on its last legs attempts at any cost to keep a grip on power, even through the most flagrant electoral fraud, only to be rejected, contested & ultimately cast out thanks to the peaceful mobilization of the people. In all three countries demonstrators were supported by well-organized public movements: Otpor in Serbia, Kmara in Georgia & Pora in Ukraine. They all used a unifying logo & promoted slogans demanding respect for democracy. The Serbs of Otpor were the first to deploy these non-violent struggle methods against "flexible dictatorships," & have since put their talents to work for foreign comrades. In an exclusive interview, Aleksandar Maric, one of the key Otpor leaders, takes a frank look at the ideology & strategy of his organization, offering a veritable primer in "soft revolutions.". Adapted from the source document.

To investigate the effect of the Supreme Court on public opinion, we offer the conditional response hypothesis based on a theory of Supreme Court legitimacy and a microlevel social-psychological theory of attitude formation. Together these theories predict that the Court may affect public opinion when it initially rules on a salient issue, but that subsequent decisions on the same issue will have little influence on opinion. To test our predictions, we analyze public opinion data before and after the Supreme Court ruled in a highly visible abortion case (Webster v. Reproductive Health Services [1989]) and before and after three key capital punishment rulings (Furman v. Georgia [1972], Gregg v. Georgia [1976], and McCleskey v. Kemp [1987]). The results suggest that our theory is not issue bound but is generally applicable to how the Supreme Court affects public opinion when it rules in highly salient cases.

One hundred and fifty years ago, in 1839, the United States forced the Cherokee Nation west of the Mississippi River to what later would become the state of Oklahoma. The Cherokees primarily occupied territory in the Southeast that included north Georgia, northeastern Alabama, southeastern Tennessee, and southwestern North Carolina. In the three decades preceding removal, they experienced a cultural transformation. Relinquishing ancient beliefs and customs, the leaders of the Nation sought to make their people culturally indistinguishable from their white neighbors in the hope that through assimilation they could retain their ancestral homeland. White land hunger and racism proved too powerful, however, and the states in which the Cherokees lived, particularly Georgia, demanded that the federal government extinguish the Indians' title and eject them from the chartered boundaries of the states. The election of Andrew Jackson in 1828 strengthened the states' cause.

This article is devoted to a new consideration of the issue of the number and dating of the embassies of king Bagrat IV of Georgia (1027–1072) to Constantinople during the reign of the Byzantine emperor Constantine IX Monomachos (1042–1055). Contrary to I. A. Javakhishvili's point of view, generally accepted in historiography about the existence of the only embassy of Bagrat IV to Byzantium in 1054–1057, the author promotes the hypothesis about the existence of two embassies, in 1047 and 1050–1052/1053 respectively. This hypothesis is proved, in addition to the source analysis of the Georgian text of the Chronicle of Kartli, by referring to Byzantine and Armenian narrative sources, as well as by using information from the recently explored manuscript Q-1376 from the Georgian National Centre of Manuscripts. A comparison of data from sources allows the author to link the reason for the two embassies of the Georgian king to Byzantium with the escalation of the internal Georgian conflict between Bagrat IV and Liparit IV Baghuashi, Duke of Kldekari after the Battle of Sasireti in 1046. Also, the article highlights several new features in it, in particular, the conditions of truces between the two sides, the date of Liparit's liberation from the Seljuk captivity, as well as the possible participation in the conflict of Leonti Mroveli, a famous Georgian historian of the eleventh century. Also, the article examines the consequences of the two trips of Bagrat IV to Constantinople for the Byzantine foreign policy on its eastern borders and, more particularly, clarifies the dating and circumstances of the military campaign of raiktor Nikephoros against the Shaddadid emir of Dvin Abu'l-Aswar in 1049, as well as the role of Georgian noblemen in this campaign. ; Статья посвящена новому рассмотрению вопроса о количестве и датировке посольств грузинского царя Баграта IV (1027–1072) в Константинополь в период правления византийского императора Константина IX Мономаха (1042–1055). Вопреки общепринятой в историографии точке зрения И. А. Джавахишвили о существовании единственного посольства Баграта IV в Византию в 1054–1057 гг., автор выдвигает гипотезу о существовании двух посольств, в 1047 г. и 1050–1052/1053 гг. соответственно. Эта гипотеза доказывается, помимо источниковедческого анализа грузинского текста «Летописи Картли», с помощью обращения к византийским и армянским нарративным источникам, а также использования сведений недавно исследованной рукописи Q-1376 из Грузинского национального центра рукописей. Сопоставление данных из источников позволяет связать причину двух посольств грузинского царя в Византию с обострением после Сасиретской битвы 1046 г. внутригрузинского конфликта между Багратом IV и клдекарским эриставом Липаритом Багваши и выделить в нем несколько новых особенностей, в частности, условия перемирий между двумя сторонами, дату освобождения Липарита из сельджукского плена, а также возможность участия в этом конфликте знаменитого грузинского историографа XI в. Леонти Мровели. Помимо этого, в статье рассмотрены последствия двух поездок Баграта IV в Константинополь для византийской внешней политики на ее восточных границах и в особенности уточнены датировка и обстоятельства военного похода ректора Никифора против шеддадидского эмира Двина Абу'л-Асвара в 1049 г., а также роль грузинских сановников в этой кампании.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- INTRODUCTION -- CHAPTER 1 Ararat -- CHAPTER 2 A Railroad and Rowland Springs -- CHAPTER 3 Iron -- CHAPTER 4 The Education of Joseph E. Brown -- CHAPTER 5 The Republic of Georgia -- CHAPTER 6 Destruction -- CHAPTER 7 Anew -- EPILOGUE -- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS -- NOTES -- BIBLIOGRAPHY -- INDEX

This review, developed in partnership with UNICEF, provides Georgia with recommendations to strengthen its evaluation and assessment system to focus on helping students learn. It will be of interest to countries that wish to strengthen their own evaluation and assessment systems and, in turn, improve educational outcomes.

Rare invaders: the pre-World War II history of women in American engineering -- World War II: emergency engineering employment training -- New wartime and postwar engineering majors: purdue, RPI, Columbia -- Coeducation via lawsuit: Georgia Tech -- Coeducation for social life: Caltech -- A special case: women at MIT -- Changing the climate

Based on over 130 interviews with criminals, law enforcement officials and government representatives from post-Soviet Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan, this book situates organized crime in the debate on state formation and examines the diverging patterns in organized crime following the aftermath of these countries' Coloured Revolutions.

Georgia, like all accession applicants, is now a stakeholder in this big debate, and should take part in it. The official positions of applicant states seem to be simply that the EU should implement the current enlargement methodology promptly in order to sustain the European orientations and commitments

The CAREC Program is a partnership of 11 countries— Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, the People's Republic of China, Georgia, Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Mongolia, Pakistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan—and development partners, working together to promote development through cooperation, leading to accelerated economic growth and poverty reduction.