Hardly a Georgian dream: confronting COVID-19 in the midst of an election year
In: New Eastern Europe: NEE, Heft 5, S. 35-40
9 Ergebnisse
Sortierung:
In: New Eastern Europe: NEE, Heft 5, S. 35-40
World Affairs Online
In: The current digest of the post-Soviet press, Band 72, Heft 44-045, S. 15-16
In: Russia and New States of Eurasia, Heft 4, S. 175-184
The "Georgian Dream" party won the parliamentary elections in Georgia. It will be in power for a third consecutive term. This is a unique case in the country's history. Out of 150 seats in the parliament, "Georgian Dream" won 90. This gives it the right to form independently a government and approve a prime minister. The opposition does not recognize the election results, accusing the GM of fraud. The opposition MPs decided to boycott the new parliament.
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"Georgia: Warlords, Generals, and Politicians" published on by Oxford University Press.
In: Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne, Heft 4, S. 5-25
Coming to power in 2012, the Georgian Dream promised changes expected by Georgian society that was torn between striving for peace and prosperity, following the example of Western countries, and stabilizing relations with Russia. After seven years, this promise was not fulfilled, and the citizens were bitter about the internal and international policies of Bidzina Ivanishvili. For the purpose of this article, the research hypothesis was formulated that in June 2019 social protests broke out in the capital of Georgia, because the activities of the party headed by Bidzina Ivanishvili resulted in decreased social confidence in this formation. The authors of the article analyzed the activities of Bidzina Ivanishvili which might have sparked social unrest and identified the internal and external factors that resulted in the shrinking social confidence in Georgian authorities in recent years. The authors presented also the events of June 20, 2019, when thousands of people gathered in front of the Georgian parliament building to express their discontent with the presence of the deputy of Russian Duma, Sergei Gavrilov, at the parliamentary session, which resulted in nationwide protests.
Coming to power in 2012, the Georgian Dream promised changes expected by Georgian society that was torn between striving for peace and prosperity, following the example of Western countries, and stabilizing relations with Russia. After seven years, this promise was not fulfilled, and the citizens were bitter about the internal and international policies of Bidzina Ivanishvili. For the purpose of this article, the research hypothesis was formulated that in June 2019 social protests broke out in the capital of Georgia, because the activities of the party headed by Bidzina Ivanishvili resulted in decreased social confidence in this formation. The authors of the article analyzed the activities of Bidzina Ivanishvili which might have sparked social unrest and identified the internal and external factors that resulted in the shrinking social confidence in Georgian authorities in recent years. The authors presented also the events of June 20, 2019, when thousands of people gathered in front of the Georgian parliament building to express their discontent with the presence of the deputy of Russian Duma, Sergei Gavrilov, at the parliamentary session, which resulted in nationwide protests. ; Gruzińskie Marzenie dochodząc do władzy w 2012 r. było obietnicą zmian, których oczekiwało społeczeństwo gruzińskie, rozdarte pomiędzy dążeniami do pokoju i dobrobytu wzorem państw zachodnich, a zarazem ustabilizowania stosunków z Rosją. Po siedmiu latach okazało się, że ta obietnica nie spełniła się, a obywatele są rozgoryczeni prowadzeniem polityki zarówno wewnętrznej, jak i międzynarodowej przez Bidzinę Iwaniszwilego. Na potrzeby artykułu sformułowano hipotezę badawczą zakładającą, że w czerwcu 2019 r. doszło do protestów społecznych w stolicy Gruzji, ponieważ działania podejmowane przez ugrupowanie kierowane przez Bidzinę Iwaniszwilego doprowadziły do spadku zaufania do tej formacji. Autorzy artykułu podjęli się próby analizy działań podejmowanych Bidzinę Iwaniszwilego, które mogły doprowadzić do niepokojów społecznych oraz wskazania czynników wewnętrznych i zewnętrznych, które doprowadziły do spadku zaufania do rządzących Gruzją w ostatnich latach. Ponadto przedstawili wydarzenia z dnia 20 czerwca 2019 r., kiedy to wielotysięczny tłum zgromadził się pod budynkiem gruzińskiego parlamentu, by wyrazić niezadowolenie z pojawienia się na sesji parlamentu deputowanego rosyjskiej dumy, Siergieja Gawriłowa, co w rezultacie wywołało ogólnopaństwowe protesty.
BASE
Coming to power in 2012, the Georgian Dream promised changes expected by Georgian society that was torn between striving for peace and prosperity, following the example of Western countries, and stabilizing relations with Russia. After seven years, this promise was not fulfilled, and the citizens were bitter about the internal and international policies of Bidzina Ivanishvili. For the purpose of this article, the research hypothesis was formulated that in June 2019 social protests broke out in the capital of Georgia, because the activities of the party headed by Bidzina Ivanishvili resulted in decreased social confidence in this formation. The authors of the article analyzed the activities of Bidzina Ivanishvili which might have sparked social unrest and identified the internal and external factors that resulted in the shrinking social confidence in Georgian authorities in recent years. The authors presented also the events of June 20, 2019, when thousands of people gathered in front of the Georgian parliament building to express their discontent with the presence of the deputy of Russian Duma, Sergei Gavrilov, at the parliamentary session, which resulted in nationwide protests. ; Gruzińskie Marzenie dochodząc do władzy w 2012 r. było obietnicą zmian, których oczekiwało społeczeństwo gruzińskie, rozdarte pomiędzy dążeniami do pokoju i dobrobytu wzorem państw zachodnich, a zarazem ustabilizowania stosunków z Rosją. Po siedmiu latach okazało się, że ta obietnica nie spełniła się, a obywatele są rozgoryczeni prowadzeniem polityki zarówno wewnętrznej, jak i międzynarodowej przez Bidzinę Iwaniszwilego. Na potrzeby artykułu sformułowano hipotezę badawczą zakładającą, że w czerwcu 2019 r. doszło do protestów społecznych w stolicy Gruzji, ponieważ działania podejmowane przez ugrupowanie kierowane przez Bidzinę Iwaniszwilego doprowadziły do spadku zaufania do tej formacji. Autorzy artykułu podjęli się próby analizy działań podejmowanych Bidzinę Iwaniszwilego, które mogły doprowadzić do niepokojów społecznych oraz wskazania czynników wewnętrznych i zewnętrznych, które doprowadziły do spadku zaufania do rządzących Gruzją w ostatnich latach. Ponadto przedstawili wydarzenia z dnia 20 czerwca 2019 r., kiedy to wielotysięczny tłum zgromadził się pod budynkiem gruzińskiego parlamentu, by wyrazić niezadowolenie z pojawienia się na sesji parlamentu deputowanego rosyjskiej dumy, Siergieja Gawriłowa, co w rezultacie wywołało ogólnopaństwowe protesty.
BASE
Magistrsko delo obravnava probleme demokratizacije v skladu s politično polarizacijo v Gruziji. Vsebuje podrobno analizo političnih dogodkov od leta 1991 do danes, in prikazuje ustavne, pravne in politične razsežnosti oblikovanja države. Cilj dela je razumeti kako politična polarizacija vpliva na demokratični prehod in utrjevanje demokracije v Gruziji. V delu ugotavljamo, da je polarizacija v Gruziji že od nekdaj del politike, vendar je od leta 2012 pridobila večji pomen. Spopad med strankama Gruzijske Sanje in Združenim Nacionalnim Gibanjem je presegel politiko in se spremenil v "parlamentarne blokade" in ulično politiko. Obenem sta se v času pred volitvami pogosto začela pojavljati verbalno in fizično nasilje nad voditelji in podporniki strank ZNG. Sovražno politično okolje krepi enopartijsko vladavino in klientelistične odnose med voditelji strank in širšo družbo. Politika vpliva tudi na poslovni in gospodarski sektor, ki krepi revščino in neenakost ; hkrati pa polarizacija vpliva na medijska in družbena okolja. Kot kažejo zadnji politični dogodki v Gruziji, je lahko pritisk zahodnih zaveznikov edina sila za zmanjšanje polarizacije, s sprejetjem novega volilnega sistema, ki lahko spodbuja razvoj funkcionalne demokracije v Gruziji. ; The thesis examines the problems of democratization in line with the political polarization in Georgia. The thesis is concerned with a detailed analysis of political events from 1991 till today, portraying the constitutional, legal, and political dimensions of state-building. The goal of the thesis is to understand how much political polarization affects democratic consolidation/transition in Georgia. The finding of the thesis is that polarization in Georgia has always been part of politics. However, it took greater meaning since 2012. The confrontation between the Georgian Dream party and the United National Movement exceeded the politics into the "parliamentary blockages" and "street politics" The verbal and physical violence against UNM party leaders and their supporters became frequent in the runup of elections. The hostile political environment strengthens the one-party rule and clientelistic relations among party leaders and greater society. Politics does affect the business and economic sectors that influence poverty and inequality. Simultaneously, polarization has a spillover effect on media and social environments. The latest political developments in Georgia indicate that Western Allies pressure can be the only force to decrease polarization by adopting a new electoral system that can foster the development of functional democracy in Georgia.
BASE
Intro -- Identities in Transition -- Table of Contents -- Introduction -- Part 1: Culture: Critical Examinations -- Culture from the Point of View of Philosophical Anthropology -- Acknowledging and Limiting the Moral Significance of Cultural Praxis: Reflections on Cassirer's Critical Philosophy of Culture -- Part 2: Living Together: Questioning Assimilation and Integration -- Integrational Politics and Migrant Aspirations: Finding the Balance -- Thinking about Intercultural Leadership: Are We Going Deep Enough to Bridge Cultural Differences? -- Part 3: Intercultural Dialogues -- Interculturality on a Diverse Australian Campus:Identity and Interaction -- Part 4: Transnational Identities: Diaspora and Subject Formation -- Kurdish Diaspora: Creating New Contingencies in Trans-National Space -- Part 5: Transnational Identities: The European Experience -- Representations of European Cultural Identity in Mini-Europe -- Part 6: Remaking and Re-Inventing Identities -- Left-Wing Italian Jews from the 1960s to 1980s: A Fluid Identity -- How Things Are Remade Georgian: Glocalization and the Assertion of 'National' among Georgian Youth -- Disfigured Past: Unmasking the Meaning and Identity of Historic Architecture -- Part 7: Educational Institutions and the Making of Identities -- Mirroring Absences: Spatiality and the Schooling of Minorities -- Part 8: Migrants and Flexible Identities -- The (Im)migrant 'Other': Conventional and Challenging Representations of the Migrant Subject in Two Greek Plays -- Kyrgyz Feasts and Migrant Dreams: Embedding Remittances in Hybrid Social Networks -- Part 9: Authenticity, Identity and Media -- Advertising Strategy for Teenagers in Taiwan -- 'Martin was in the jungle alone, and the sun was sinking': The Weather, Culture and Identity in Virginia Woolf's The Years -- Part 10: Reaching Out, Crossing the Cultural Divide.