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Something amazing happened in Georgia's 1 October 2012 parliamentary elections. The government lost and it gave up power, aside from the now-weakened presidency that it will hold for another year. A new coalition known as Georgian Dream ran under the leadership of Georgia's richest man, the billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili, and won 85 seats in the unicameral, 150-member Parliament. Georgia's post-Soviet background and circumstances make the 2012 opposition win and subsequent orderly handover of power truly remarkable. Indeed, among the "competitive authoritarian" regimes found in what used to be the USSR, it is nearly unheard of. Georgia is lucky to be getting a fourth chance at democracy, after the opportunities under Zviad Gamsakhurdia (1990–92), Eduard Shevardnadze (1992–2003), and Saakashvili faded. But this chance remains a fragile one.

Something amazing happened in Georgia's 1 October 2012 parliamentary elections. The government lost and it gave up power, aside from the now-weakened presidency that it will hold for another year. A new coalition known as Georgian Dream ran under the leadership of Georgia's richest man, the billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili, and won 85 seats in the unicameral, 150-member Parliament. Georgia's post-Soviet background and circumstances make the 2012 opposition win and subsequent orderly handover of power truly remarkable. Indeed, among the "competitive authoritarian" regimes found in what used to be the USSR, it is nearly unheard of. Georgia is lucky to be getting a fourth chance at democracy, after the opportunities under Zviad Gamsakhurdia (1990–92), Eduard Shevardnadze (1992–2003), and Saakashvili faded. But this chance remains a fragile one.

The main hypothesis, making me to write this article was about the importance of archetypes, sounded as the following: when political brand is losing its archetypes it dies. To confirm or deny this hypothesis the goal was to explain the importance of video tape of abuse in a prison released during 2012 Parliament Elections of Georgia. The question is why it was so effective and damaging for the governing "United National Movement of Georgia"? The comparison of TV advertisement budgets of the main rival political organizations is very surprising. It shows that the governing political party - "United National Movement" spent 10 times more than (approximately 11 million GEL - more than 6 million USD) its main competitor "Georgian Dream", (having spent only 123833 GEL - around 71000 USD) but lost historical elections, against the fresh political alliance. "Opinion polls taken by the U.S. National Democratic Institute in June and August 2012—before the release of the videos-seemed to indicate that more Georgianspreferred United National Movement to Georgian Dream and that support for GD may have weakened" (Nichol, 2012). The survey of focus group members was conducted for the purposes of this article to know their attitude to subjects of elections – political parties and their leaders - five focus groups consisting of the total of 63 people before and after the elections.

Except historical Diasporas, more than million citizens of Georgia live abroad at present. Majority of them shall be considered as temporary migrants who are gone abroad, looking for jobs. The diasporas have a great importance as for its representatives' family also for Georgian economics. In accordance with the abovementioned Georgia needs well-planned policy regarding to Diaspora. One of the most important challenges for Georgian political parties is study of interests of Diaspora members, their problems and ways for more close relationships with Georgia, and relevant political elaboration of the mentioned issues. In the article based on the content analysis of the pre-election platforms of political subject which participated in the 2016 parliamentary elections is discussed their visions regarding to the relationship with Diaspora. Namely, in the work is discussed that part of the election programs of those political parties, which overcame 5% threshold and got into parliament. ("Georgian Dream - Democratic Georgia"; "United National Movement", "Alliance of Patriots of Georgia"). Also is presented the programs of those parties which overcame 3% threshold ("Nino Burjanadze - Democratic Movement"; "Irakli Alasania – Free Democrats"; "Georgian Labour Party"; "Paata Burchuladze-State for the People"); "Georgian Dream" related with the other parties paid great attention to diaspora in its election program. Party fixed its attention on those projects which had been already fulfilled or were planned to be implemented after their win in elections. In the Article the part of pre-election platform of "Georgian Dream" related to the Diaspora is compared with the "Migration Strategy of Georgia of 2016-2020", which was drafted during their government period. In the election programs of "United National Movement" and "Irakli Alasania – Free Democrats" nothing was said about the Georgian citizens living abroad. "Alliance of Patriots of Georgia" in their pre-election program paid attention only on the historical Diaspora of Georgia living in Turkey. "Nino Burjanadze – Democratic Movement" regarding to the Diaspora was talking about the importance of the creation of "Georgian Houses" abroad, which would be focused on the promotion of Georgian culture. "Georgian Labour Party" discussed the importance of the "Returning Fund", which served to the return back of Georgia to its past, their arrangement and adaptation. "Georgian Dream" in its policy regarding Diaspora may take into account initiatives of other parties. For example "Georgian Houses" and "Returning Fund".

Even though the country is a regional frontrunner, Georgian democracy is not yet consolidated. Parliamentary elections in 2016 saw the governing Georgian Dream returned with a constitutional majority. The October 2017 local elections brought the ruling party another sweeping victory. Despite Georgian Dream's overwhelming electoral successes, the country faces voter apathy. Alongside lack of parliamentary controls and a fragmentation of the party-political spectrum this does not bode well for consolidating democracy in the near future.

Even though the country is a regional frontrunner, Georgian democracy is not yet consolidated. Parliamentary elections in 2016 saw the governing Georgian Dream returned with a constitutional majority. The October 2017 local elections brought the ruling party another sweeping victory. Despite Georgian Dream's overwhelming electoral successes, the country faces voter apathy. Alongside lack of parliamentary controls and a fragmentation of the party-political spectrum this does not bode well for consolidating democracy in the near future. (Autorenreferat)

This article examines the role of the far right in political polarisation in Georgia. Polarisation has been a constant feature of Georgian politics, reaching new levels after the 2020 parliamentary elections. On the one hand, polarisation leaves little (if any) room in the political space for newcomers and small actors, including the far right. Carving out a niche in an extremely polarised political space requires a strong, consolidated, alternative force. To date, the fragmented nature of the Georgian far-right movement has hindered its mobilisation as a viable alternative to either the ruling party, Georgian Dream, or the opposition. On the other hand, the far right has also played a role in polarisation: Critics have argued that far-right groups have been used as an instrument to fuel polarisation further. Even though the activities of the far right seem to play into the interests of one end of the polarised political space more than the other, this article asserts that the far-right movement should not be reduced to a mere instrument in the hands of political powers.

As in many other countries, COVID-19 became a litmus test for government efficiency in Georgia. The pandemic has influenced the daily life of Georgian society and shaped not only state-citizen relations, but politics as well. Citizens have experienced profound and sometimes rapid changes, from the initial curfew to the eventual lockdown. It also raised questions about how the 'Georgian Dream'-led government made decisions and established new rules. Managing the pandemic-related crisis in Georgia demonstrated that decision-makers, the political elite, and powerful institutions such as the Georgian Orthodox Church used their power to avoid formally established rules and/or used informal practices to influence the process. Thus, this article aims to analyse the informal practices and the role of informality in the process of adopting and implementing the COVID-related regulations, as well as how it affected the quality of crisis management.

Over the summer month of August 2008, Georgia launched a large-scale military offensive against South Ossetia in an attempt of reconquering the territory. Four years later, on October 1, 2012, Georgia is holding its first Parliamentary Elections after the conflict that caused so much harm. The Parliamentary Elections constitute the 7th legislative elections held since Georgia's independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. It is however the first time for Georgia to elect an alternative party from the ruling party solely based on principle of democratic vote.
The article examines the almost ten years of President Saakashvili's Administration. During this decade, Saakashvili's United National Movement government realized many positive works. Works like the successful reform of police forces and the determined force-back of corruption. These liberating works were all eagerly welcomed by Europe and other western nations. However, in the apparent loss of sense of reality towards the end of its reign, Georgia's United National Movement government turned to dictating and ordering as a main style of governing. This in turn pushed citizens away from Saakashvili's politics into voting for the opposition.
Unforeseen by even the most experienced Southern Caucasus and Georgia experts, Georgia's 2012 Parliamentary Elections gave way to the opposition coalition Georgian Dream to sweep to victory, leaving President Saakashvili to ceded defeat.
Despite President Saakashvili's statement that he would go into opposition there has not been a complete paradigm shift in Georgia's domestic politics. With the Georgian Dream's failure to gain a constitutional majority and questions over the ideological compatibility of the coalition – along with the fact that United National Movement still has the greatest representation in Parliament relative to the other parties, Saakashvili and his supporters keep hold to substantial political leverage. Also, Saakashvili will remain President until the October 2013 election. His opponent, Prime Minister Ivanishvili is expected to manifest himself, bringing in a less contentious, more pragmatic approach to relations with the country's giant neighbour to the north.
Overall, it can be said that Georgia's unrivalled ballot-box transfer of power elevated the country to a category fundamentally higher in terms of democratic development than virtually all other post-Soviet states. This has been the more remarkable even since Georgia had been widely cited as an example case of a failed state, with a destroyed infrastructure and economy, dysfunctional state institutions and something approaching anarchy as its governance model.
The impact of the ongoing reform of Georgia's constitution and electoral law has lead to major shifts in Georgia's political landscape. However, opinions vary as to whether the farsighted amendments made to the Georgian constitution on the initiative of the United National Movement are a genuine attempt to improve the country's system of governance or that they rather are an effort by the incumbent president to cling on to power. The adoption of the amendments and the timing of their entry into force strongly suggest that the latter might be the case. Meanwhile, as a result of the changes to the Georgian constitution, a system of dual power has come in place. These and other factors suggest that Georgia's political landscape is set to become more predictable. The article examines the degree to which this can be held true.
In the streets of Tbilisi, hundred days into the reign of the new government, there is an air of optimism amongst the people. This holds especially true when it comes to youth. The hope is that the Georgian Dream becomes a Georgian reality. The disappointment otherwise might be shattering. In spring 2013, the new leadership offers new opportunities for Georgia. It can improve its democratic system and economic growth and establish a dialogue with Russia and the breakaway districts of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. This would alleviate the frozen conflict and tense security dilemma' on the Administrative Boundary Lines. Yet, if the transition of power does not go well, there will be prolonged power struggles that could cripple the policy making and cast Georgia back to pre-Saakashvili times.
The article addresses the overall question whether the smooth transfer of power Georgia achieved after October's election sets a standard for democracy in the region depending on whether the new government can strengthen the independence and accountability of state institutions in what remains a fragile, even potentially explosive political climate. The victory of the Georgian Dream Coalition over the United National Movement has brought pluralism into Georgian policymaking. However this political pluralism also includes that awkward dual powers; Georgia's good cop and bad cop.

President of Georgia, said in an address to the nation, she had no intention of resigning in response to ruling Georgian Dream party campaign to impeach the President.