Suchergebnisse

One of the fundamental challenges the 28 member-states of the European Union face today is a dichotomy between state-level and European priorities. The Kingdom of Bavaria faced a similar situation between 1866 and 1871, as the state gradually ceded sovereignty to Prussia in the process of German unification. This essay seeks to illuminate how the members of the Bavarian state legislature responded to Prussian efforts of national integration. Documents examined include parliamentary records of the Upper and Lower Chambers of the Bavarian legislature, a pamphlet published by the Bavarian branch of the Progress Party (Fortschrittspartei), and the state's court reference books. Legislative records of the 1867 Treaty Regarding the Continuance of the Customs and Trade Union with Prussia as well as of the 1870 Treaty between the North German Confederation and Bavaria regarding the Founding of a German Federation are also discussed. This paper's proposed conclusion is that in the process of German unification, Prussia's imposed unity further exacerbated traditional divisions in the Bavarian legislature. Split between a National Liberal fraction eager to join a unified Lesser Germany, and a federally, if not democratically, minded Conservative wing that would in 1869 organize the Patriot Party, Bavarians were far from forming a united front vis-à-vis an expansionist Prussia. Of course this conclusion is very much specific to late 19th century Bavarian politics. However, it does suggest that sustainable (supra)national integration ought to be instigated from the bottom up; spearheaded by, and tailored to the needs of EU member-states.

Integration courses in Germany started in 2005 as a consequence of the newly promulgated immigration law, the so-called Zuwanderungsgesetz, a set of laws that restructured the 2005 legislation on foreigners in the Federal Republic of Germany with the first version of the Residence Act and the Freedom of Movement Act. Since then, although these laws have experienced changes in structure and audience, what has not changed is the presence of multilingual competences in classrooms in German as the norm. The mere presence of multi-lingualism in the courses does not automatically equal multilingual pedagogy. In this article, we present a quantitative study participants concerning the attitudes towards multilingualism and multilingual pedagogy of teachers in courses of German as a Second Language. The results indicate that one third of the participants present a consistent and marked monolingual habitus (Gogolin 1994; 1997), possibly influencing how open they are to including multilingual practices in their teaching. The remaining two thirds indicate openness to a multilingual orientation, but still engage in predominantly monolingual teaching practices: a contradicting stance in need of further investigation.

Öz
Bu çalışma halkla ilişkiler faaliyetlerinde reklam afişlerinin sosyal entegrasyon bağlamında göçmenleri Almanca öğrenmeye ve sosyal hayata katılmaya teşvik rolünü ele almaktadır. Günümüzde milyonlarca insan savaş, şiddet, açlık veya doğal afetlerden kaçtığı gibi milyonlarcası da emek göçü, eğitim göçü, yatırım göçü vs. yaparak doğduğu topraklardan çok uzaklarda yaşamına devam etmektedir. Bu insanların göç rotalarına bakıldığında günümüz göç eylemlerinin bir anlamda küresel eşitsizliğin de bir göstergesi olduğu görülmektedir. Küresel göçmenlerin sayıca artışıyla ortaya çıkan kavramlardan biri olan sosyal entegrasyon; göç eden bireylerin geldikleri ülkenin toplumuyla uyum içinde bütünlük sağlamasıdır. Gelişmiş ülkelerde sosyal entegrasyon sürecinde bireyler kendi başlarına bırakılmazlar. Göç alan ülkelerin kamu kurumları, sivil kuruluşları ve yerli halk göç edenlerin sosyal entegrasyon sürecinde onlara yardım eder. Almanya 1960'lı yıllardan beri çoğunluğu Türklerden oluşan milyonlarca göçmenin en çok tercih ettiği ülkelerin başında gelmektedir. Ülkede göçmenlerin sosyal entegrasyonundan sorumlu kamu kurumunun dışında yarı resmi kurumlar ve sivil toplum kuruluşları konuyla ilgili iletişim faaliyetleri yürütmektedir. Bu çalışmada, göçmenleri sosyal entegrasyona teşvik eden Alman Entegrasyon Vakfı'nın (Deutschlandstiftung Entegrasyonu) (DSI) halkla ilişkiler faaliyetlerinden Almanca öğrenmenin kilit rolünü vurgulayan yirmi yedi reklam afişinden üçü örnek olarak seçilmiştir. Bu üç reklam afişi Roland Barthes'in göstergebilim yaklaşımıyla analiz edildi. İncelenen reklam afişlerinde göçmenlerin Almanca öğrenmesi "başarı" ve "şöhret" mitiyle sunulmuştur.

The article presents a comprehensive analysis of the integration politics of Germany and identifies the features of its implementation, considers the history of migration processes in Germany, as well as the current migration situation. The migration politics of Germany and the measures taken by the German authorities to implement integration programs for immigrants are analyzed. The problems of integration of immigrants in modern conditions are determined. The sociocultural integration of immigrants is described taking into account their cultural and ethnic characteristics. An analysis is made of the problems and difficulties that arise during the adaptation of immigrants in German society. To achieve the goal, a number of methods were used, such as: the historical method, which made it possible to trace the stages of development of the German integration politics and to identify the factors that influenced the formation of the integration politics of modern immigrants; the method of statistical analysis that made it possible to determine the extent of immigration; method of system analysis, to obtain a holistic view of the current migration situation in Germany. Undoubtedly, the topic of migration, integration and adaptation of immigrants remains very relevant, especially for a united Europe. In Germany, a large number of the state reforms have been carried out to strengthen the effectiveness of the regulation of immigration flows and the implementation of integration politics. It seems, the experience of implementing the migration politics, the difficulties that had to be overcome along the way, and the results that Germany managed to achieve, which, thanks to the implementation of the politics of hospitality and open doors, became one of the countries with an extremely large number of immigrants, can be useful and interesting for other countries.

Although the structural constraints facing Germany shifted dramatically with the end of the Cold War and reunification, the direction of its European policy did not. The more powerful Federal Republic continued to press for deeper economic and political integration, eschewing a more independent or assertive foreign policy course. Neorealism, neoliberalism and liberalism cannot adequately explain this continuity in the face of structural change. This article sets out a constructivist account centered around the effects of German state identity. It develops a two-step analytical framework designed to pinpoint the content of state identity and establish its effects on state action, and then applies it to the German case. In the wake of reunification, German leaders across the political spectrum identified the Federal Republic as part of an emergent supranational community. This European identity, with roots in the postwar decades, drove Germany's unflagging support for deeper integration across the 1989-90 divide.

The aim of this article is to assess the extent to which German integration policy with particular regard to the German language has been adopted and modified over time, in the context of Turkish migration to Germany. For this purpose, first the history of migration from Turkey to Germany is outlined, focusing on key events such as the recruitment agreement in the 1960s, the recruitment stop and the 'return assistance' in the 1970s and 1980s, the rise of racism in the 1990s and 2000s, and the emergence of the 'New Turkish Wave' in the 2010s and 2020s. Subsequently, German integration policy and the role of the German language within it will be traced through different phases: the absence of an integration policy in the 1960s and 1970s, Germany's status as an 'immigration country that does not want to be an immigration country' in the 1980s and 1990s, the transition from immigration law to integration policy in the 2000s, and the era of 'welcome culture' and concrete integration policy in the 2010s and 2020s. Finally, it will be determined to what extent the integration policy of the Federal Republic of Germany, especially with regard to the German language, adapts the lifeworld of Turkish migrants currently living in Germany and thus facilitates their successful integration into German society.