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In: Zeitschrift für die Welt der Türken: ZfWT = Journal of world of Turks, Band 14, Heft 1, S. 199-214
ISSN: 1868-8934
In the 18th century, Germany also participated in the competition between the European States that started colonization activities and did not want to lag behind other states on the way to complete their union. Germany, which has existed as independent statelets since the 1800s, wanted to have a say in Africa, the Middle East and the Caucasus geographies after establishing its union in 1871. Although the immigration policy of the German colonists started to work after this date, it is seen that the colonization activities in the Caucasus geography took place in previous dates and in a different way. The turning point regarding the German migrations to Russia is the Russian Tsarina II. It is in the time of Catherine. Tsarina II, who is of German origin. After Katherina came to the throne of Russia (1762), she wanted settlers from Germany to migrate to Russia. Its purpose is the agricultural development of the Russian lands. II. Upon Katherina's call, the Germans began to migrate to Russia and the Caucasus. The first German immigration to Azerbaijan took place in 1818. The Germans first established the villages called "Helenendorf" (Göygöl) and "Annenfeld" (Şamkir) in the territory of Azerbaijan. Later on, 6 more villages were established, namely Grünfeld (Vurguna), Traubenfeld (Tovuz), Jelisawetinka (Agstafa), Georgsfeld (Çınarlı), Alexejewka (Gasamba) and Eigenfeld (Irmaşlı). Thus, 8 villages were built in Azerbaijan by the Germans. It is known that the German population living in these villages and also present in Baku contributes to the economy of Azerbaijan and the development of the country in terms of architecture. From the dates they migrated II. Until the World War II, they had no trouble living and reflecting their own culture in Azerbaijan, but at the same time, they managed to convey their experiences with great skill. II. The fact that Germany was at war with Russia during World War II created a trust problem against the German population in Russia and the majority of the German population was immigrated to Siberia and Kazakhstan by Stalin. In this study, the living conditions and livelihoods of the German settlers in Azerbaijan will be mentioned, and their contributions to the region in architecture and other economic fields will be examined. Keywords: Azerbaijan, German Traces in the Caucasus, German colonies, Helenendorf, Annenfeld.
In: Central European history, Band 47, Heft 3, S. 488-495
ISSN: 1569-1616
We have loved this book for more than forty years. Age cannot wither its intellectual charms, nor custom stale its endless teachability, especially in graduate seminars. As in any long relationship, there have been moments of vexation and irritation, but we return to this book over and over to be nourished anew by its originality, its insights, and its capacity not just to evoke a certain kind of German community but also to convince us that the values of such communities shaped much of German history right into the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
This paper uses a static and dynamic gravity model of trade to investigate the link between German development aid and exports from Germany to the recipient countries. The findings indicate that, in the long run, German aid is associated with an increase in exports of goods that is larger than the aid flow, with a point estimate of 140% of the aid given. In addition, the evolution of the estimated coefficients over time shows an effect that is consistently positive but that oscillates over time. Interestingly, after a decrease in the 1990s, the estimated coefficients of the effect of aid on trade show a steady increase in the period between 2001 and 2005. The paper distinguishes among recipient countries and finds that the return on aid measured by German exports is higher for aid to countries considered 'strategic aid recipients' by the German government. We also find some evidence that aid given by other EU members reduces German exports
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In: Edinburgh German Yearbook
In: Edinburgh German Yearbook Ser. v.10
In: Historia provinciae: HP : žurnal regional'noj istorii : setevoj naučnyj žurnal, Band 4, Heft 1, S. 231-258
ISSN: 2587-8344
In: Germany's Africa policy revisited: interests, images and incrementalism, S. 9-17
In: Elgar Encyclopedia of Comparative Law, edited by Jan Smits, Second Edition (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 2012), pp. 349-370
SSRN
This paper uses a static and dynamic gravity model of trade to investigate the link between German development aid and exports from Germany to the recipient country. The findings indicate that German aid is associated with an increase in exports of goods that is larger than the aid flow, with a point estimate of 133% of the aid given. The paper also distinguishes among recipient countries and finds that the return to aid of German exports is higher for countries considered as "strategic aid recipients" by the German government. In addition, the evolution of the estimated coefficients over time shows an effect that is always positive but oscillates over time. Interestingly, in the 2001-2005 a steady increase on the effect of aid on trade can be observed after a decrease in the second half of the nineties.
BASE
This paper uses a static and dynamic gravity model of trade to investigate the link between German development aid and exports from Germany to the recipient countries. The findings indicate that in the long run,German aid is associated with an increase in exports of goods that is larger than the aid flow, with a point estimate of 140 percent of the aid given. In addition, the evolution of the estimated coefficients over time shows an effect that is consistently positive but which oscillates over time. Interestingly, in the period from 2001 to 2005, a steady increase in the effect of aid on trade can be observed following a decrease in this phenomenon in the second half of the nineties. The paper also distinguishes among recipient countries and finds that the return on aid measured by German exports is higher for aid to countries considered strategic aid recipients' by the German government.
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In: Central European history, Band 56, Heft 2, S. 278-282
ISSN: 1569-1616
This contribution results from a place of serious discomfort regarding recent public and academic discussions in Germany, where Holocaust memory and its political instrumentalization have seemed to produce a growing dogmatism, harming academic freedom. Because we both direct university research centers in Berlin and Los Angeles dedicated to the study of the Holocaust, we have decided to join forces and share our particular German perspectives on this debate. Our views are in part generational, in part personal.
In: German yearbook of international law: Jahrbuch für internationales Recht, Band 65, Heft 1, S. 319-320
ISSN: 2195-7304