Suchergebnisse

The article deals with the peculiarities of government social policy to supportmotherhood and childhood in Germany.It was defined that the main spheres of government family policy in Germany were thefollowing ones: strengthening economic stability in a family; gender equality; supportingfamily and professional activity; providing mothers and children with proper healthcare;increasing birth rate; children's welfare, their social and cognitive development.Key words: government policy, support, motherhood, childhood, Germany. ; У статті розглянуто особливості державної соціальної політики підтримки материнства і дитинства в Німеччині. Досліджено, що основними напрямками державної сімейної політики у Німеччині були: зміцнення економічної стабільності родини; гендерна рівність; сприяння узгодженню сімейної та професійної діяльності; охорона здоров'я матері й дитини; підвищення рівня народжуваності, сприяння добробуту дітей, їх пізнавального та соціального розвитку.Ключові слова: соціальна політика, підтримка, материнство, дитинство, Німеччина.

The article is devoted to the study of the doctrine of formalized and non-formalized basic human rights in Ukraine and Germany. To achieve this research goal, the following research objectives have been identified: 1) to outline a subsystem of formalized fundamental human rights and freedoms in accordance with the German fundamental doctrine of fundamental human rights; 2) identify the subsystem of unformalized basic human rights and freedoms in accordance with the German fundamental doctrine of fundamental human rights, to name the problems of its functioning; 3) to analyze the national doctrine of formalized and non-formalized human rights and freedoms, to make proposals on the development of the theory and practice of affirmation and maintenance of human rights and freedoms in Ukraine. As a result of the study, the following conclusions are made: a) It is found that one of the dimensions of the existence of the human rights and freedoms system in Germany is its division into: formalized (written) and unformalized (unwritten) human rights. However, both types of human rights have equal constitutional status; b) It is stated that the formation of the human rights system, both formalized and unformalized, is not monopolized by the state. Legal science is actively involved in the formation of this system. Scientists' conclusions and suggestions, both on the list and on the content of individual human rights, are applied at the same level as the legislation in the exercise of a specific human right or freedom in Germany; c) it is determined that the list of unformalized (unwritten) human rights in Germany is open, as new informal human rights can emerge as a result of the activities of both the judiciary and the state; d) it is stated that in Ukraine only formalized human rights that have a normatively defined mechanism of their realization are able to be asserted and secured by the Ukrainian state. Informal rights can exist only in the form of scientific theories and concepts, but do not have a real dimension of ...

Political philosophy, that rather disreputable, not very philosophical branch of philosophy, has always wanted to get out of politics, to put an end to this politics of politics, by finally speaking its truth. Ideally, the fond -est desire may be to find or invent a politics unaffected by the politics of politics (a truly moral politics, perhaps, of the kind Kant seems to encourage), but that desire is metaphysical through and through. So-called "cheap politics" is engaged in the politics of politics as soon as that phenomenon is engaged in politics, i.e. from the very first, "naturally" as Aristotle put it. The logos of politics is irreducibly affected by the kind of distortion and deceit that is usually – moralistically – associated with rhetoric or sophistry, with "spin tactics". Politics is always already the politics of politics.Key words: politics of politics, sophistry, spin tactics, rhetorical figure, politics of truth. ; Political philosophy, that rather disreputable, not very philosophical branch of philosophy, has always wanted to get out of politics, to put an end to this politics of politics, by finally speaking its truth. Ideally, the fond -est desire may be to find or invent a politics unaffected by the politics of politics (a truly moral politics, perhaps, of the kind Kant seems to encourage), but that desire is metaphysical through and through. So-called "cheap politics" is engaged in the politics of politics as soon as that phenomenon is engaged in politics, i.e. from the very first, "naturally" as Aristotle put it. The logos of politics is irreducibly affected by the kind of distortion and deceit that is usually – moralistically – associated with rhetoric or sophistry, with "spin tactics". Politics is always already the politics of politics.Key words: politics of politics, sophistry, spin tactics, rhetorical figure, politics of truth.

The article is devoted to the study of the theory of institutional and organizational guarantees of fundamental human rights in Ukraine and Germany. The article analyses the scientific studies of Ukrainian and German scientists, which reflect the doctrine of institutional and organizational guarantees of fundamental rights. The legislation of Ukraine and Germany was also investigated from the point of view of the normative regulation of the named guarantees of fundamental rights. The analysis of the Ukrainian doctrine on the guarantee of human rights and freedoms makes it possible to determine its following features: 1) institutional and organizational guarantees of human rights are defined by the constituent elements of the system of human rights guarantees; 2) they belong to the special (legal or legal) guarantees of human rights; 3) the guarantees of human rights directly depend on their official affirmation in the legislation of Ukraine, because it is they that they find their objective reflection; 4) the guarantors of human rights and freedoms are authorized to determine the basic rights and freedoms of man and citizen, to establish mechanisms for their implementation and protection; 5) human rights guarantors are mainly public authorities that have a normatively defined function to guarantee and secure one or more human rights. The study of the German and Austrian doctrine of basic human rights allows us to determine the following characteristics: 1) basic human rights give rise to guarantees for the individual as their carrier. This is one of their central functions; 2) fundamental rights are directed against the state. These are restrictions for: a) the legislation of the Federal Republic of Germany; b) executive power; c) jurisdiction; 3) the state is not the creator of fundamental rights, it only recognizes the fact of their existence. The realization of fundamental rights does not depend on the level of their consolidation in the legislation; 4) the system of guaranteeing fundamental rights includes: ...

The article highlights the main points of transition to the second stage of decentralization in Ukraine. It is emphasized that the state regional policy of Ukraine can not be reduced to the reform of the administrative and territorial system only. However, it is currently impossible to achieve economic growth and development of the state as a whole without reforming the territorial organization of government and systematic understanding of the place of communities in regional development. The article studies the evolution of voluntary merger of territorial communities. At the transition to the second stage of decentralization, which suggests formation of a subregional administrative and territorial system, it is proposed to consider merger of territorial communities based on the principle of their capacity, consolidating or reformatting them if necessary. This will help to achieve community competitiveness and economic growth.

This article focuses on the analysis of the problem of implementing e-government as a form of public administration in Ukraine. Modern reforms of public administration are carried out with the implementation of e-government mechanisms, which allows to qualitatively improve the interaction between the state and the citizen. The definitions of "e-government" and "public administration" are given in article. It is determined that e-government is the most effective form of public administration, which allows to rationalize the costs of realize government powers, effectively identifying (or reducing) corruption risks in the provision of administrative services, giving citizens access to information. In the article set out three main problems without decision of which the introduction of e-government is impossible. The first is the low level of development of information and communication infrastructure. According to the author, the infrastructure is not ready for the introduction of e-government. The second problem is the lack of knowledge and skills of the population, citizens are not familiar with the use of computers and the Internet. The third problem is not the systemic measures of the authorities to implement e-government. An analysis of the introduction of e-government previous years was also conducted, and were studied current government initiatives and projects. It is concluded that the implementation of e-government in Ukraine, generates numerous problems, but the prospects of development is positive , active development of e-government by the authority provides by the Ministry of Digital Transformation of Ukraine, which started movement in case of electronic documents. E-government is the key to the development of democracy may reduce the corruption risks, save resources and improve the interaction of citizens with the state, ignoring e-government make democratic development of Ukraine impossible.

The article is devoted to the implementation of the state digital policy in Ukraine in the context of creating E-Government initiative and adopting the Law on Electronic Trust Services. The author explains that from the moment of its introduction and hitherto, there are issues in electronic services' usage, their consumer orientation and usability. Analyzing the advantages and disadvantages of implementing digital policy in Ukraine, the author focuses on the national concept of digital state development and concludes that it is limited to the government services. Instead, in the author's view, it would be advisable to promote the digital government as a collaboration between the state and citizens. The author also did not miss the features of electronic trust services, their components and importance for practical implementation: online purchases, participation in public affairs, electronic workflows in court, recognition by mobile phone, etc. Reaffirming the importance and necessity of state digital policy, the author refers to a comparison of the practices of its implementation in Ukraine and Estonia, whose successes in this way are indisputable and often serve as an example to be followed. It is underlined that there is scope for building a functional digital service system in Ukraine, however, different principles of user data protection were already doubted because of security issues, since the creation of a common digital data space was announced by the Government of Ukraine. It is emphasized that the lack of measures to preserve the user's data protection of digital government systems will create high risks to a national security and the manipulation of confidential user information. Thus, the digital data space has legislative regulation but in a very schematic level and without practical tolls, which does not in any way create a "trust environment" in the cyberspace of Ukraine. In such circumstances, it is impossible to guarantee a high motivation for using such electronic trust services. All in all, ...

This article deals with the legal regulation of minors in Germany and Ukraine. Minors do not have enough intellectual ability to predict legal conse-
quences of their acts. That is why they need a special protection. The study primarily focuses on minors as a subject of law in Civil and Family Law.

The aim of the article is to study and compare legal regulation for minors under both German and Ukrainian law.

First of all, the notion of minors is analysed. It is assumed that the term minor is not clear. It has different meanings in both German and Ukrain-
ian national law. International legislation does not clear the issue.

Second, the legal regulation of minors is studied. The issue of age limits in the national Civil Law of Germany as well as Ukraine are examined
and compared. It is suggested that the age limits are closely connected to the legal capacity of the natural persons. The comparative analysis of
legal regulation of minors in Civil Law of both countries shows that the provisions of German Civil Law concerning the legal capacity of minors
differ sufficiently from Ukrainian ones. For example, in Germany children under seven years old do not have legal capacity, while minors at the age
from seven to eighteen years old have limited legal capacity. Whereas in Ukraine, minors under fourteen years old have partial legal capacity, while
minors between fourteen and eighteen years old have incomplete legal capacity.
Last but not least, the minors' rights and their scope from the point of view of a family and the state are explored. The comparison shows that
the legal regulation of minors' rights as well as an attitude to the minors in society in Germany differs from Ukraine. Finally, it is proposed to amend
the Family Code of Ukraine in respect of minors' rights. It is wise to consider an opinion of minors in family issues.

Стаття присвячена аналізу теоретичних і практичних аспектів упровадження механізмів government relations (GR) у систему взаємодії влади та бізнесу. GR розглядається у порівнянні з лобізмом, public relations та public af-fairs. У статті відзначено, що GR створює нові можливості забезпечення узгодження інтересів влади, бізнесу та громадянського суспільства в Україні. У цьому сенсі GR є суспільно важливим механізмом для демократичного ро-звитку країни, оскільки дає можливість бізнесу та інституціям громадянського суспільства впливати на рішення влади. Деякі автори пов'язують GR з лобізмом, вважаючи, що ці поняття тотожні. Проте, різниця між ними є суттєвою. На відміну від традиційних форм лобізму, які тісно пов'язані з міжособистісною взаємодією з політиками і державними службовцями, GR має цілу низку стратегічних переваг.По-перше, в суспільній свідомості в Україні лобізм, на відміну від GR, практично є синонімом корупції, оскільки контакти зацікавлених осіб із представниками політичного істеблішменту відбуваються кулуарно. Скритність цього процесу веде до ефекту негативного сприйняття у соціальній свідомості.По-друге, лобізм призводить до залежності суб'єктів лобіювання від персоналій у владних структурах, від їх суб'єктивних переваг і побажань. Це негативним чином позначається на довгостроковому плануванні, а також ставить учасників ринку в нерівне становище, коли, наприклад, державні за-мовлення розподіляються на користь одного з учасників.По-третє, особливістю GR є постійне використання інноваційних ко-мунікативних технологій, які прийшли з форсайту, PR та електоральних кампаній.У статті робиться висновок, що GR в Україні є важливим інструментом діалогу держави і бізнесу, від якого залежать: якість державного управління, унормованість ринкового середовища, умови конкуренції, розвиток бізнесу загалом. Такий діалог потребує законодавчого захисту й механізмів ухвалення на його основі обов'язкових для всіх сторін рішень, адже бізнес, орієнтований на перспективу, найперше очікує від влади стабільних правил гри і ...

Тhe article analyses the main methods of management personnel is represented in the works of domestic and foreign works, are allocated to the social aspects of regulation and impact on the achievement of efficient use of labor potential of the company. Examines the socio-psychological methods of management and submitted their detailed classification . Conclusions are made about the need for a new vision of the role of employees in the activity of the agricultural enterprises and search methods, and strengthening their capacity

The article analyzes human dignity as a legal category and fundamental natural human right. The place and role of the right to human dignity in the system of constitutional rights of Ukraine and Germany are compared. The scientific substantiation of the right to human dignity in Ukraine and Germany, its normative protection in both countries, is investigated. The approaches to defining and interpreting the right to human dignity in the practice of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine and the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany are compared.

The relationship between the right to human dignity and other human rights is determined, as well as the sphere of protection of this right. In particular, there are parallels between the right to life and the right to human dignity, and their relationship is determined. It is substantiated that the human life and dignity of each person enjoy the same constitutional protection regardless of the duration of the individual's physical existence.

It is established that among Ukrainian scholars there is no unified view of the right to dignity as a fundamental natural right. The right to human dignity in Ukraine is enshrined in the norms of constitutional, civil and criminal law. For the most part, the protection of the right to human dignity is correlated with the right to the protection of honour and goodwill. The right to human dignity and honour are not clearly distinguished. The legisla- tion of Ukraine does not contain a legal norm defining the concept of the right to human dignity. The case-law of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine in this area is not sufficiently developed and does not constitute a proper legal framework.

In Germany, the right to human dignity is a decisive and fundamental human right that is fundamental to all other rights. Human dignity is the supreme fundamental value and the root of all fundamental rights. The right to human dignity enshrined in Article 1 of the Constitution of the Fed- eral Republic of Germany defines it as an absolute value, which means that it cannot be restricted by any other norm, even by another fundamental right that follows from human dignity.

Article is devoted to the philosophical analysis of actual situation of humanities and the problem of their social role. The political role of humanities lies primarily in promoting the creation of public space. It gives a possibility do develop the human skills which are needed to be an active public agent. The purpose of the article deals with the concretization of public role of humanities which can be presented as different politics. Results. In the article the following politics are presented: politics of ideal (refers to a certain ideal of liberal education which is based on the liberal arts); politics of meaning and sense (it concerns the recognition of meanings, including those that constitute the social and political worlds); politics of sensuality (it connected with performativity as manner to create and comprehend the social and political worlds; also it can be explained as distribution of sensuality in context of J. Ranciere's conception of aesthetics as politics); politics of reconfiguration of discourse (it deals with elaboration of rules of communication on social problems); politics of imagination (the influence on structure of social world with using of imagination and fantasy); politics of responsivity (the comprehension of alien subjectivity), politics of memory (the formation of culture of memory). Originality. The different "politics" of humanities are presented as specific because they are connected with specific of human sciences' cognition. We deals not with objectivity that is directed to the explanation of world as closed system, but we have open system of interpersonal interaction. This interpersonal interaction can structure and configure social and political spheres. Conclusion. The politics of humanities are not separate each other. They are crosscutting, creating horizon ability to influence the public sphere.

The article is devoted to topical issues of motivation of local government officials. The study of motivation is carried out in the context of reflecting the processes that have taken in the field as a result of decentralization reform. They are associated with a change in approaches to governance, the shift of the traditional vector of relations with public authorities, awareness of the independent role of local self-government, expanding the range of powers aimed at community development. The study analyzes the main trends and challenges in increasing the motivation of officials, encouraging them to effectively perform their duties. Motivation is seen as the process of involving staff in activities to achieve the goals of the organization (in this case – village, town, city councils, their executive bodies). It determines the intensification of professional activity of officials, stimulates the implementation of tasks. It is noted that modern heads of local governments do not pay due attention to issues of motivation, encouragement of employees, identifying their needs. Practical examples of evaluation by both managers and subordinates of their motivation to work are given. Motivational factors of officials, including material, spiritual, social, industrial and household, etc. are analyzed. The connection of motivation with human needs and actions is investigated. It is emphasized that the needs of higher levels do not motivate the official until the needs of the lower level are at least partially met. The analysis of the Ukrainian legislation and normative-legal acts of local self-government bodies concerning the regulation of the sphere of motivation and incentives of officials is given. The directions and means which can be applied in modern conditions for increase of motivation of local government officials are shown.

The article is devoted to topical issues of development of project activity in local self-government bodies, amalgamated territorial communities, analysis of real practices and the current situation. The study analyzed the legal basis for attracting extra-budgetary funds for the development of local communities, the procedure for preparing project applications, interaction with donor organizations and partners, as well as challenges and opportunities in the field. In particular, attention is focused on such aspects as the selection of the competition, the presence of a team and the role of the project manager in preparing a quality project application, opportunities for cooperation with NGOs and cooperation of amalgamated territorial communities in preparing and implementing of joint projects. The analysis of the current situation, dynamics and the main trends in the development of project activities in local self-governments is carried out. The experience of cities and small rural communities is compared. Emphasis is placed on the prospects of development, potential areas of project activities in the amalgamated territorial communities. One of the main obstacles to successful project activities in local governments is the lack of human resources and lack of experienced professionals. Emphasis is placed on the need for continuous practical work and the assistance of external experts who can provide advice, help in improving the skills of project management specialists in communities. The motivational component, stimulation of local government employees to develop work in the direction should not be left out either.

The article considers the political and administrative measures of the Nazi regime to establish control over the academic life of German universities. Academic self-government contradicted the Nazi political order, so the universities were quickly incorporated into the administrative system of the new government, and their autonomy was abolished.In parallel, the new authorities made direct ideological interference in the curricula and subjects of scientific research, reformatting them in the spirit of the doctrine of National Socialism. After the reform, university disciplines and studies began to serve the ideological needs of the ruling regime and substantiate Nazi policies. Control over the content of curricula and the activity of teachers was placed on the party committees of the NSDAP established in universities.In order to purify the universities from the non-Aryan spirit, the Nazis conducted political purges among students and scientists. Their victims were Jews and opponents of the Gittler regime. From 1933 to 1939 years the number of students in German universities was reduced from 128 000 to 58 000, and the work lost up to 20% of teachers.At the same time despite the repressive nature of the Nazi regime, most teachers began to cooperate with the new government. The universities turned into public platforms for Nazi policies and ideology. The other side of political purges was the mass entry of professors and associate professors into the Nazi Party as a manifestation of political loyalty. By the end of the 1930s, half of the teachers were members of the NSDAP. Since the basis of Nazi ideology was biology and racial theory, the highest level of membership in the party was found in medical faculties that tended to these disciplines. Up to 70% of the teachers of these faculties had a party ticket. The smallest - about 30% - this figure was at the technical and natural faculties, which traditionally tried to distance themselves far from politics.As a result of the long domination of Nazi ideas in the academic sphere, the quality of higher education and research at universities in the Third Reich has been constantly falling, and political cleansing has led to the emigration of a significant part of talented scientists.On the other hand, the new rules, imposed by the Nazi regime, quickly took root in the educational system. Universities began to train professionals loyal to the Fuhrer and the state, although the quality of their training fell.Key words: the higher education, political cleansing, ideological campaigns, conformism, The Third Reich, the academic community, National Socialism. ; У статті розглядаються політико-управлінські заходи нацистського режиму щодо встановлення контролю над академічним життям німецьких вишів, що мали значний вплив на їхній інституційний розвиток. Аналізуються трансформація моделі вузівського управління та змісту навчальних планів у дусі націонал-соціалізму, чистки серед студентства та викладачів.Стверджується, що академічна спільнота не чинила активного опору новому режиму Гітлера, а виші перетворились на публічні майданчики для нацистської політики та ідеології.