U tekstu se prikazuje sustav lokalne samouprave u dvije europske zemlje, Njemačkoj i Francuskoj. Obrađuju se razine, broj i vrsta teritorijalnih jedinica te organizacija i struktura njihovih lokalnih samouprava. Prikazuju se različiti institucionalni oblici međuopćinskog povezivanja i suradnje koji proizlaze iz duge tradicije, ali i teritorijalnih reformi novijeg datuma. Uspoređuju se modernizacijske i menadžerske reforme lokalne samouprave od 1980-ih na- dalje te se prati proces njihova provođenja koji se u Njemačkoj uglavnom pokretao odozdo (bottom-up), dok ga je u Francuskoj vodila središnja država (top-down). ; The authors have described local self-government systems in Germany and France. They have analysed the levels, the number and type of territorial units, and the organisation and structure of German and French local self-governments. Different institutional forms of intermunicipal cooperation and connections springing from a long tradition, as well as from relatively recent territorial reforms, are shown. Modernisation and managerial reforms of local self-government since the 1980s onwards are compared, together with the process of their implementation, which has been conducted bottom-up in Germany and top-down in France.
Pitanje kako formirati vladu ako izborni rezultat nije dovoljno jasan za određivanje kontura za njezino oblikovanje otvara se kada stranke nisu jasno obznanile svoje saveze prije izbora ili kada izborni rezultat nije izlučio apsolutnu većinu u korist jedne ili druge predizborno stvorene koalicije stranaka. Njemački odgovor daje prednost većinskom elementu nad ideološkim elementom. Umjesto stava da najbrojnija parlamentarna stranka nužno mora vladati ili da sukob dviju najvećih stranaka apsolutno isključuje njihov savez u postizbornom vladanju političke stranke smatraju da obvezatno moraju djelovati kako bi se institucionalno stvorila većina potrebna za vladanje. Njemačka doktrina iznosi da nužnost raspolaganja radno sposobnom vladom vrijedi više od stranačkih ideoloških razmatranja i prosudbi. U zbilji njemačkog parlamentarnog sustava predsjednik SR Njemačke predlaže za kancelara osobu koja na temelju objavljenog pismenog koalicijskog sporazuma zaključenog u prethodnom postupku formiranja vlade, prije započinjanja formalnog ustavom propisanog postupka, dokazuje da uživa apsolutnu većinu svih zastupnika u Bundestagu. U Velikoj Britaniji ustavna se zagonetka o formiranju vlade u slučaju da izbori ne rezultiraju apsolutnom većinom za pojedinu stranku u Donjem domu rješava ustavnom konvencijom. Od aktualne vlade očekuje se da podnese ostavku ako postane jasno da neće moći dobiti povjerenje Donjeg doma te ako postoji jasna alternativa. Ustav Republike Hrvatske (čl. 98.) određuje obvezatno obavljanje konzultacija, odnosno provedbu neformalnog prethodnog postupka za formiranje vlade. Takav postupak u praksi čine istražni koalicijski razgovori i završni dogovor vidljiv u koalicijskom sporazumu (SR Njemačka) ili na listi potpisa većine svih zastupnika (Hrvatska). ; The question of how to form the government if the election result is not sufficiently clear to determine the contours of its design presents itself when the parties have not made clear alliances before the elections, or if the election result did not produce an absolute majority in favour of either electoral alliance created before the elections. The German response to this problem favours the majority element over the ideological element. Instead of the view that the largest parliamentary party must necessarily rule, or that the conflict between the two largest parties absolutely excludes a post-electoral alliance, political parties consider it essential to try to institutionally create the majority required to govern. According to the German doctrine the necessity to have a working government at disposal is worth more than the party-oriented ideological considerations and positions. In the reality of the German parliamentary system, the German President proposes for a Chancellor a person who, based on a published written coalition agreement concluded in the previous procedure of forming the government, before the formal constitutionally prescribed due process, proves that he or she enjoys the confidence of an absolute majority of all the members of the Bundestag. In the UK, the constitutional puzzle of forming the government in the event that elections do not result in an absolute majority for a party in the House of Commons, is dealt with by a Constitutional convention. The current government is expected to resign if it becomes clear that it will not be able to secure the confidence of the House of Commons, and if there is a clear alternative. In Croatia, the President of the Republic gives the mandate to form the Government to the person who, upon the distribution of seats and consultations with parliamentary parties, enjoys the confidence of the majority of all the representatives. Giving the mandate to form the government without proof of consultations in previous proceedings (the list of signatures) provided to the head of a coalition that receives the most votes (a relative majority) would be unconstitutional.
ATLASES: Poetics, Politics, and Performance is a web exhibition of atlases from the Special Collections and School of Geographical Sciences of the University of Bristol (http://uobatlases.net/). It includes atlases produced between 1570 to approximately 1970.The exhibition consists of four thematic parts. Renaissance Theatres contains famous and les famous atlases produced between the end of the 16th century to the middle of the 17th century, such as atlases by Ortelius (1574), Camden (1610), Speed (1611) and four atlas tomes by Blaeu (1645). Rhetoric of Truth contains geological and archaeological atlases from the 18th and the beginning of the 19th century. However, Rhetoric of Truth is not only limited to renaissance, but it also encompasses first computer generated atlases, e.g. Atlas of Breeding Birds in England and Ireland (1976) and others. The Colonial Gaze focuses on atlases applied in colonial projects and land exploitation in Africa and the Caribbean Islands, as well as in circulation of race theories in Europe and North America at the end of the 19th century. The last part, National Identities and Conflict explores the role of atlas as a powerful instrument for visualizing conflicts and shaping territorial-political ideas in the 20th century. ; ATLASES: Poetics, Politics, and Performance je izložba na mreži atlasa iz Specijalne zbirke i Škole geografskih znanosti (Special Collections and School of Geographical Sciences) Sveučilišta u Bristolu (http://uobatlases.net/). Uključeni su atlasi od 1570. do približno 1970. godine.Izložba obuhvaća četiri tematske cjeline. Renaissance Theatres sadrži slavne i manje poznate atlase od kraja 16. do sredine 17. stoljeća., među ostalim, Orteliusov atlas iz 1574., Camdenov iz 1610., Speedov iz 1611. i četiri toma Blaeuova atlasa iz 1645. Rhetoric of Truth sadrži geološke i arheološke atlase iz 18. i početka 19. stoljeća. Međutim, cjelina Rhetoric of Truth nije ograničena samo na stoljeća prosvjetiteljstva već prožima i prve računalno generirane atlase poput npr. Atlas of Breeding Birds in England and Ireland (1976) i neke druge. Treća cjelina The Colonial Gaze fokusirana je na atlase koji su primjenjivani u provedbi kolonijalnih projekata i eksploataciji zemljišta u Africi i na Karibima, ali i cirkulaciji rasnih teorija krajem 19. stoljeća u Europi i Sjevernoj Americi. Posljednji dio National Identities and Conflict istražuje ulogu atlasa kao moćnog instrumenta za vizualizaciju sukoba i oblikovanje teritorijalno-političkih ideja u 20. stoljeću.
Autor razmatra politički profil Alternative za Njemačku kako bi pridonio razumijevanju njezine pojave u političkom životu Njemačke. Analizom izbornih programa provjerava njezin položaj na osi lijevo-desno te stavove o europskim integracijama, nacionalizmu i multikulturalizmu, te o ekonomskoj politici i demokraciji. Multivarijantnom regresijskom analizom ispituje prediktivnu snagu konfesionalnih, dobnih, obrazovnih, migracijskih i ekonomskih obilježja izbornih okruga u objašnjenju varijacije u postotku glasova. Istraživanjem biografskih obilježja članova vodstva stranke testira se pretpostavljena zajednička demografska i ideološka pozadina stranačke elite. Pokazalo se da Alternativa za Njemačku odudara od stavova drugih stranaka u gledanjima na Europsku uniju, nacionalizam, multikulturalizam i ekonomsku politiku, ali ne odskače značajno na osi lijevo-desno, kao ni prema stavovima o demokraciji. Za predikciju glasovanja za tu stranku najvažnijima su se pokazala regionalna (rascjep istok-zapad), dobna i ekonomska obilježja izbornih okruga. Biografska analiza stranačke elita otkriva visok postotak bivših članova njemačkih demokršćanskih stranaka, te prevlast starijih visokoobrazovanih muškaraca u njoj. ; This paper analyzes the political profile of the Alternative for Germany to contribute to the understanding of its emergence in the German political life. An analysis of electoral manifestos tests the party's left-right position, stances on European integration, nationalism, and multiculturalism as well as on economic policy and democracy. A multiple regression analysis examines the predictive power of religion, age, education, migration, and economic status as characteristics of electoral districts explaining the variation in the party's vote percentage. An assessment of biographies of the party's leadership tests the presumed common demographic and ideologic background of the party elite. The article shows that new party differs from other German parties regarding the EU, nationalism, and multiculturalism, and economic policy, yet does not represent an outlier on the left-right scale, nor in its stance on democracy. The study of predictors of the vote for the Alternative for Germany has shown that regional (East/West cleavage), age and economic characteristics of electoral districts hold most importance. The biographic analysis of the party elite reveals a high percentage of previous CDU/CSU members and a dominance of elderly, well-educated men.
U prvoj polovini 19- stoljeća dolazi do povijesnih i političkih previranja u Europi: pojava panslavizma, revolucija 1948., koja je trebala rušenjem Austrougarske Monarhije uspostaviti temelje demokraciji (u kojoj se hrvatski ban Jelačić stavio na stranu Beča), te intenzivan interes kulturne Europe za zaostali srpski narod pod turskom vlašću. I pored kontroverzne uloge J. Kopitara i Vuka Karadžića, Hrvati prihvaćaju Književni dogovor 1850. g. sa Srbima, koji već u ono vrijeme, očevidno uz pomoć politike i lingvistike, osporavaju Hrvatima identitet. ; In the first half of the 19th century Europe saw some historical and political changes like Pan-Slavism and the Revolution of 1848, which was to build up democratic fundaments through the abolition of the Austro Hungarian Empire (with the Croartian Banus Jelačić on the Viennese side). Europe's cultural interest in Serbia increased. The Serbs were under Turkish dominance and thus restricted in their development. In 1850, despite controversial roles of J. Kopitar and Vuk Karadžić, the Croats agreed to a literary arrangement with the Serbs, who had already at that time obviously disputed the Croatian identity by means of politics and linguistics.
RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVAPrijedlog zakona o šumama prošao je prvo čitanje u Saboru Republike Hrvatske. Njegova priprema trajala je skoro dvije godine. U povjerenstvu za izradu sudjelovali su predstavnici svih relevantnih sektorskih institucija, a prijedlog zakona prošao je i e-savjetovanje, nakon kojega je dio primjedbi usvojen. Na saborskom Odboru za poljoprivredu bilo je dosta rasprave o iznosu naknade za općekorisne funkcije šuma, čija bi se stopa trebala zadržati na postojećoj razini od 0,0265 %, ali s oslobađanjem plaćanja naknade svim pravnim i fizičkim osobama koje ostvaruju godišnji prihod do tri milijuna kuna. Vezano za raspodjelu sredstava iz naknade OKFŠ-a buru među šumarskim znanstvenicima i stručnjacima izazvao je prijedlog pravilnika sa smanjenjem financiranja znanstveno-istraživačkih radova sa sadašnjih 5 % na samo 1 %, što bi u praksi značilo da se samo oko milijun i pol kuna raspodjeljuje za šumarsku znanost. Svjesni svih ugroza koje trenutno vladaju u hrvatskim šumama, ovakav prijedlog je stvarno nerazuman i podcjenjivački. Valja se nadati da će kritički komentari i prijedlozi uroditi plodom te da će se znanstveno-istraživačkim radovima propisati traženih 10 % od ukupnih sredstava iz fonda OKFŠ-a. Novi pak Pravilnik o nedrvnim šumskim proizvodima unosi nepotrebno i golemo administriranje zbog izdavanja dozvola za besplatno sakupljanje šumskih plodova za vlastite potrebe, bez mogućnosti kvalitetne kontrole ulaska u šumu na temelju kojega mogu nastupiti i značajne štete za dio šumskog ekosustava, a povećana je i opasnost od šumskih požara.Nedavno najavljeno osnivanje sedamnaeste podružnice Hrvatskih šuma u Slatini, za područje Virovitičko-podravske županije, možda je prošlo nekako nezapaženo i ne previše glasno komentirano u šumarskoj javnosti. Međutim, sama realizacija te ideje otvorila bi Pandorinu kutiju iz koje ne znamo što bi sve izašlo, a po mitologiji iz te kutije je izašlo zlo. Raspodjela državnih šuma i šumskih zemljišta u Republici Hrvatskoj ne prati političke granice županija i općina. To je davno napušteno. Trgovačko društvo Hrvatske šume d.o.o. u stopostotnom je vlasništvu Republike Hrvatske i brine se o gospodarenju državnim šumama, ne gledajući na lokalne granice, jer je interes šume u prvom planu. Naravno da lokalno stanovništvo treba imati koristi od resursa kojima raspolaže, ali to se rješava kroz zapošljavanje u Hrvatskim šumama d.o.o., prodaju ogrjeva, sakupljanje nedrvnih proizvoda i slično. Najavljena korist za Virovitičko-podravsku županiju osnivanjem nove podružnice kosi se s današnjim ustrojem i upravljanjem Hrvatskim šumama. Nijedna županija ne radi razvojne planove za Hrvatske šume d.o.o., no suradnja s jedinicama lokalne uprave posvuda postoji, jer su šumari oduvijek bili dio zajednice u kojoj su djelovali. Ne samo da je najava upravljanja eventualnom novom podružnicom iz županije nemoguća, nego bi se time otvorila mogućnost prekrajanja granica i ostalih podružnica po županijskim granicama. Neke podružnice mogle bi biti ukinute, a neke bi se proširile izvan povijesnih i tradicijskih granica. Svaki ustroj ima svojih nedostataka i ne može se reći da je sadašnji idealan, ali sa svakom najavom promjena, posebice ako nisu cjelovite nego parcijalne, provedbom istih dolazi do sukoba u kojima glavnu ulogu ne igraju racionalni gospodarski razlozi, nego trenutna politička moć. Trenutno postoji 21 županija s gradom Zagrebom, ali već godinama se vode rasprave treba li smanjiti broj tih administrativnih jedinica. Za koju godinu će možda postojati samo nekoliko regija. Da li bi onda ponovno trebalo prekrajati granice podružnica unutar Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o.? Današnje poslovanje trgovačkog društva u državnom vlasništvu, iako ima monopolistički položaj, nikako ne određuje tržišno poslovanje, nego državom uvjetovana raspodjela sirovine po dugo vremena najnižim cijenama u regiji, ali i u čitavoj Europskoj uniji. Najveću cijenu "darivanja" državnog resursa plaća šuma kojoj se ne vraća ono osnovno kroz dostatne šumsko-gospodarske zahvate, a kamoli da joj se poboljšava stanje sanacijom uslijed elementarnih nepogoda, promjene klime, pojave novih štetnika i drugih ugroza. U takvoj situaciji razmišljati o stvaranju nove podružnice zbog zadovoljavanja lokalnih apetita nikako nije mudro ni racionalno. Uredništvo ; EDITORIALThe forest law proposal has gone through the first reading in the Sabor of the Republic of Croatia. It has been prepared for almost two years. The conflict of interest committee was participated by the representatives of all relevant sector institutions; the Law proposal also underwent an e-consultation after which a part of the comments were accepted. At the Board of Agriculture there was considerable discussion on the amount of reimbursement for the nonprofit forest functions, the rate of which should be retained at the present level of 0.0265%, though with the exemption from payment granted to all legal and physical persons with a yearly income up to three million Kunas. In connection with the distribution of the means from the OKFŠ (nonprofit forest functions) fund, the proposed regulations that would reduce the finances for the scientific research from the present 5% to only 1% have caused a turmoil among the scientists; this would practically mean that only about 1.5 million Kunas would be alloted to forestry science. Considering the many current threatening issues related to the Croatian forests, a proposal of this kind is irrational and degrading. We hope that the critical comments and suggestions will supports the efforts toward achieving the required 10% of the OKFŠ fund for scientific research. On the other hand, the new Regulations on the non-wood forest products are causing the unnecessary huge administration due to the issuing licences for free uncontrolled collection of forest fruits for personal use, which could lead to considerable damage to one part of the ecosystem; besides, this would increase the already high danger of forest fires. The recently announced foundation of the 17th branch office of the Croatian Forests in Slatina for the region of the Virovitica/Podravina county has been almost unnoticed and only marginally commented in the forestry environment. However, the realisation of the idea would open the Pandora's box, out of which who knows what would emerge; the myth says, all the evels of the world. The distribution of state forests and forest areas in the Republic of Croatia does not coincide with the political borders of the counties and municipal areas, as it used to be for a long time. The trading company Croatian Forests Ltd. is entirely owned by the Republic of Croatia, so that the state takes care of the management of its forests without considering the local border lines. The care for the forest comes first. The local population should benefit from the forest resources, which is achieved through employment in Croatian Forests Ltd., sale of fuelwood, collecting the non-wood products, etc. The announced benefit for the Virovitica/Podravina county through the foundation of the new branch is in conflict with the present constitution and management of the Croatian Forests. No county makes development plans in the name of the Croatian Forests Ltd.; however, there is a collaboration among the units of the local management because foresters have always been a part of the community in which they have been active. Not only that the announcement of the management of a new branch office in a county is unacceptable, but it would also open a possibility of changing the borders of other branch offices, some of which could then be cancelled, others would cross outside of the historical traditional borders. With all the disadvantages of the present constellation, we cannot claim that the present one is ideal; with every proposed change, particularly such that is not global but particular, its implementation usually results in conflicts, not caused by rational economic reasons, but by current political power. There are now twenty-one counties, including the City of Zagreb. Disputes have been going on for years on whether the number of these administrative units should be reduced. In a few years, there may be only several regions. Should the borders of the branch offices be then again changed within the borderlines of the Croatian Forests Ltd? Though monopolistic, the present business management of the trading company owned by the state is not defined by the market but by the distribution of raw materials at the lowest prices in the region and all European Union over a long time. The highest price of "giving away" the state resources has been paid by the forest without reimbursing it with what is fundamental - satisfactory forest management operations, not to speak of improvements by recovery after damages, climate change, new pests and other threats. At this time the opening of new branch offices in order to satisfy local appetites is neither wise nor rational. Editorial Board
U članku se daje kratak pregled lokalne samouprave u Bosni i Hercegovini, odnosno u Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine, Republici Srpskoj i Distriktu Brčko Bosne i Hercegovine. Akcent je stavljen na ustavnopravni položaj lokalne samouprave u BiH, organizaciju i nadležnost jedinica lokalne samouprave te na pravne instrumente zaštite prava na lokalnu samoupravu. Autor ukazuje na specifičnosti sistema lokalne samouprave u BiH te na ulogu i značaj koji lokalna samouprava u BiH, kao razina vlasti koja je najbliža građanima, treba da ima u kreiranju poželjnog životnog ambijenta. S tim u vezi, autor ističe koherentnost interesa na lokalnoj razini, čije ostvarenje je u nadležnosti jedinica lokalne samouprave, kao prednost i adekvatan mogući odgovor na disparatnost interesa na državnoj razini vlasti u BiH. Pored toga, autor ukazuje na određene preduvjete za postizanje istinske lokalne samouprave. ; The article gives a short review of local self-government in Bosnia and Herzegovina, specifically in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbian Republic and the Brčko District of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The emphasis was on constitutional position of local self-government in Bosnia and Herzegovina, organization and jurisdiction of local governments and the legal instruments for the protection of rights on local self-government. The author deals with specific attributes of local self-government system in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the role and the importance of the local self-government in Bosnia and Herzegovina in creating a desirable living environment, as the level of government that is the closest to the citizens. Coherence of interests at local level, whose realization is under the jurisdiction of local self-governments units is pointed out as an advantage and a possible adequate response to the disparity of interests at the state level of government in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In conclusion, the author specifies certain preconditions to achievement of genuine local self-government.
The article gives a short review of local self-government in Bosnia and Herzegovina, specifically in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbian Republic and the Brčko District of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The emphasis was on constitutional position of local self-government in Bosnia and Herzegovina, organization and jurisdiction of local governments and the legal instruments for the protection of rights on local self-government. The author deals with specific attributes of local self-government system in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the role and the importance of the local self-government in Bosnia and Herzegovina in creating a desirable living environment, as the level of government that is the closest to the citizens. Coherence of interests at local level, whose realization is under the jurisdiction of local self-governments units is pointed out as an advantage and a possible adequate response to the disparity of interests at the state level of government in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In conclusion, the author specifies certain preconditions to achievement of genuine local self-government. ; U članku se daje kratak pregled lokalne samouprave u Bosni i Hercegovini, odnosno u Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine, Republici Srpskoj i Distriktu Brčko Bosne i Hercegovine. Akcent je stavljen na ustavnopravni položaj lokalne samouprave u BiH, organizaciju i nadležnost jedinica lokalne samouprave te na pravne instrumente zaštite prava na lokalnu samoupravu. Autor ukazuje na specifičnosti sistema lokalne samouprave u BiH te na ulogu i značaj kojeg lokalna samouprava u BiH, kao razina vlasti koja je najbliža građanima, treba da ima u kreiranju poželjnog životnog ambijenta. S tim u vezi, autor ističe koherentnost interesa na lokalnoj razini, čije ostvarenje je u nadležnosti jedinica lokalne samouprave, kao prednost i adekvatan mogući odgovor na disparatnost interesa na državnoj razini vlasti u BiH. Pored toga, autor ukazuje na određene preduvjete za postizanje istinske lokalne samouprave.
