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The aims of this article are to describe the fundamental connection between State government, counties and municipalities and to expose peculiarities of interaction of State government subjects and Local Self-government institutions. The survey method is grounded on the systemic research and analysis of the Lithuanian legal acts: Law on the Local Self-government, Law on the Governing of the County and Law on the Regional Development. The main conclusions of the article are following: a) the objects, functions and responsibility of Regional institutions and Counties are separated by legal acts, but in fact Regional institutions and Counties are indivisible unit; b) in reality municipalities become subordinate to the State government and restraint from Self-government institutions appreciable by limited liberty of decision making and finance resources, and intensive state inspection of procedures; c) there is not fully realized principle of decentralization. In the future State government system and Local Self-government reforms could take the way of self-governmental regions making and the power, functions and decision making competence of municipalities could be extended. ; Straipsnyje nagrinėjami centrinių valstybės valdymo subjektų ir savivaldybių sąveikos ypatumai, regioninės valstybės politikos ir vietos savivaldos santykis, apskričių sąsajos su savivaldybėmis bei vietos gyventojais. Išanalizavus Lietuvos Respublikos vietos savivaldos, Regioninės plėtros ir Apskrities valdymo įstatymus, teigiama, jog santykiai tarp valstybės valdymo subjektų ir savivaldybių yra grįsti įvairialype ir detalia kontrole, varžančia savivaldos plėtojimą; regionai ir apskritys institucijų požiūriu egzistuoja kaip nedalomas vienetas, todėl tarp valstybės valdymo ir savivaldos sistemų egzistuoja Konstitucijoje nenumatyti pavaldumo ryšiai; pažeidžiamas subsidiarumo principas: Apskrities valdymo įstatymas nustato konkrečius santykius su pavieniais gyventojais ne jų pačių, bet valstybės iniciatyva. Straipsnyje pateiktas teorinis sisteminis valstybės valdymo modelis. Jame patobulinti valstybės institucijų bei savivaldybių ryšiai, supaprastinti gyventojų bei valdžios institucijų santykiai.

The article is based on an idea that there are four different modes of understanding reality – practice, science, art and mysticism. Political liberalism demands separation of public and private beliefs. However, mystical understanding of reality is not a system of propositions and beliefs. This is why one can speak of a conflict between liberalism and mystical understanding of reality. Political liberalism imposes a certain understanding of reality on believers. Liberals propose to remove religious convictions from public life and not to treat them as a basis of politics. They forget that mystics have the biggest trouble namely with convictions. To turn the reality of God into words for them is always the hardest task. Mystics find God before words, concepts and discourses. Liberals reduce religion to convictions and demand from mystics to comprehend that, which in their opinion is not comprehensible. There is a tension between liberalism and people who have mystical experiences. Liberals narrow down religious experience to convictions. However, mystical experience is a much broader subject. Behind it stands an understanding of world that has its own standards of reality.

The article is based on an idea that there are four different modes of understanding reality – practice, science, art and mysticism. Political liberalism demands separation of public and private beliefs. However, mystical understanding of reality is not a system of propositions and beliefs. This is why one can speak of a conflict between liberalism and mystical understanding of reality. Political liberalism imposes a certain understanding of reality on believers. Liberals propose to remove religious convictions from public life and not to treat them as a basis of politics. They forget that mystics have the biggest trouble namely with convictions. To turn the reality of God into words for them is always the hardest task. Mystics find God before words, concepts and discourses. Liberals reduce religion to convictions and demand from mystics to comprehend that, which in their opinion is not comprehensible. There is a tension between liberalism and people who have mystical experiences. Liberals narrow down religious experience to convictions. However, mystical experience is a much broader subject. Behind it stands an understanding of world that has its own standards of reality.

The article is based on an idea that there are four different modes of understanding reality – practice, science, art and mysticism. Political liberalism demands separation of public and private beliefs. However, mystical understanding of reality is not a system of propositions and beliefs. This is why one can speak of a conflict between liberalism and mystical understanding of reality. Political liberalism imposes a certain understanding of reality on believers. Liberals propose to remove religious convictions from public life and not to treat them as a basis of politics. They forget that mystics have the biggest trouble namely with convictions. To turn the reality of God into words for them is always the hardest task. Mystics find God before words, concepts and discourses. Liberals reduce religion to convictions and demand from mystics to comprehend that, which in their opinion is not comprehensible. There is a tension between liberalism and people who have mystical experiences. Liberals narrow down religious experience to convictions. However, mystical experience is a much broader subject. Behind it stands an understanding of world that has its own standards of reality.

The article is based on an idea that there are four different modes of understanding reality – practice, science, art and mysticism. Political liberalism demands separation of public and private beliefs. However, mystical understanding of reality is not a system of propositions and beliefs. This is why one can speak of a conflict between liberalism and mystical understanding of reality. Political liberalism imposes a certain understanding of reality on believers. Liberals propose to remove religious convictions from public life and not to treat them as a basis of politics. They forget that mystics have the biggest trouble namely with convictions. To turn the reality of God into words for them is always the hardest task. Mystics find God before words, concepts and discourses. Liberals reduce religion to convictions and demand from mystics to comprehend that, which in their opinion is not comprehensible. There is a tension between liberalism and people who have mystical experiences. Liberals narrow down religious experience to convictions. However, mystical experience is a much broader subject. Behind it stands an understanding of world that has its own standards of reality.

Economic Diplomacy is a big challenge in the modern day world and opportunity. It allows states to create and maintain bonds with other countries in order to benefit its economy, which is important in an era of reoccurring financial crisis. However, different strategies are developed by different states and it is interesting to see what objective characteristics of the country influence Economic Diplomacy practices and how it does so. This research takes a look into three different states in an attempt to investigate how different characteristics, such as relative power, size and historical background, affect Economic Diplomacy decisions and priorities. Germany, Poland and Lithuania were selected for the research as they provide an opportunity for the comparative analysis of the most different cases. At first, this paper considers the theoretical aspect of Economic Diplomacy, defining the term and naming most relevant theoretical approaches to it. Then, main contextual differences between the states included in the study are established. These differences in political system, relative power and size, and historical background allow for more in depth comparative analysis, because it is possible to place results into a broader context, revealing which countries proportionally are doing better. Finally, Economic Diplomacy structures, priorities and outcomes are analysed. Neorealism perspective allows for a better view of power struggles within the global arena of political economy that all these states are incorporated into. The research reveals that Economic Diplomacy in Lithuania was the most broadly articulated from this selection of states. There is a special institution and strategies devoted specifically for this practice. However, as so far, outcomes are relatively poor because of historical context – inefficient governance and undeveloped image do not allow simple solutions to be effective. Poland can be singled out as a relative leader in FDI field, since it manages to attract significant FDI flows as well as become an important FDI source country. Germany is a big power, immersing into global power games. While Poland and Lithuania are looking for investments, Germany is housing many international corporations and is focusing its Economic Diplomacy towards more global goals and expansion of export market. All of these results confirm initial assumption that power, size and historical background are important, power remaining the most significant one.

Economic Diplomacy is a big challenge in the modern day world and opportunity. It allows states to create and maintain bonds with other countries in order to benefit its economy, which is important in an era of reoccurring financial crisis. However, different strategies are developed by different states and it is interesting to see what objective characteristics of the country influence Economic Diplomacy practices and how it does so. This research takes a look into three different states in an attempt to investigate how different characteristics, such as relative power, size and historical background, affect Economic Diplomacy decisions and priorities. Germany, Poland and Lithuania were selected for the research as they provide an opportunity for the comparative analysis of the most different cases. At first, this paper considers the theoretical aspect of Economic Diplomacy, defining the term and naming most relevant theoretical approaches to it. Then, main contextual differences between the states included in the study are established. These differences in political system, relative power and size, and historical background allow for more in depth comparative analysis, because it is possible to place results into a broader context, revealing which countries proportionally are doing better. Finally, Economic Diplomacy structures, priorities and outcomes are analysed. Neorealism perspective allows for a better view of power struggles within the global arena of political economy that all these states are incorporated into. The research reveals that Economic Diplomacy in Lithuania was the most broadly articulated from this selection of states. There is a special institution and strategies devoted specifically for this practice. However, as so far, outcomes are relatively poor because of historical context – inefficient governance and undeveloped image do not allow simple solutions to be effective. Poland can be singled out as a relative leader in FDI field, since it manages to attract significant FDI flows as well as become an important FDI source country. Germany is a big power, immersing into global power games. While Poland and Lithuania are looking for investments, Germany is housing many international corporations and is focusing its Economic Diplomacy towards more global goals and expansion of export market. All of these results confirm initial assumption that power, size and historical background are important, power remaining the most significant one.

Economic Diplomacy is a big challenge in the modern day world and opportunity. It allows states to create and maintain bonds with other countries in order to benefit its economy, which is important in an era of reoccurring financial crisis. However, different strategies are developed by different states and it is interesting to see what objective characteristics of the country influence Economic Diplomacy practices and how it does so. This research takes a look into three different states in an attempt to investigate how different characteristics, such as relative power, size and historical background, affect Economic Diplomacy decisions and priorities. Germany, Poland and Lithuania were selected for the research as they provide an opportunity for the comparative analysis of the most different cases. At first, this paper considers the theoretical aspect of Economic Diplomacy, defining the term and naming most relevant theoretical approaches to it. Then, main contextual differences between the states included in the study are established. These differences in political system, relative power and size, and historical background allow for more in depth comparative analysis, because it is possible to place results into a broader context, revealing which countries proportionally are doing better. Finally, Economic Diplomacy structures, priorities and outcomes are analysed. Neorealism perspective allows for a better view of power struggles within the global arena of political economy that all these states are incorporated into. The research reveals that Economic Diplomacy in Lithuania was the most broadly articulated from this selection of states. There is a special institution and strategies devoted specifically for this practice. However, as so far, outcomes are relatively poor because of historical context – inefficient governance and undeveloped image do not allow simple solutions to be effective. Poland can be singled out as a relative leader in FDI field, since it manages to attract significant FDI flows as well as become an important FDI source country. Germany is a big power, immersing into global power games. While Poland and Lithuania are looking for investments, Germany is housing many international corporations and is focusing its Economic Diplomacy towards more global goals and expansion of export market. All of these results confirm initial assumption that power, size and historical background are important, power remaining the most significant one.

In the last 20 years, after ethnic Germans came back to this country and other refugees started flowing to it, the debates about immigration became especially important among politicians. After World War II, people left their home countries and searched refuge in other countries. Germany was one of those countries where refugees sought asylum. Germany received such people because its industry needed labourers. The question of the integration of immigrants became the priority of the state. We can single out five phases of immigration into Germany: (1) Post- War Immigration in 1945 – 1954, (2) Guest Workers' Immigration in 1955 – 1973, (3) Family Reunification in 1974 – 1982, (4) Asylum and Refugee Immigration in 1983 – 1993, and (5) Immigration caused by the development of the European Union and Inflows of Ethnic Germans since 1988 until nowadays.

In the last 20 years, after ethnic Germans came back to this country and other refugees started flowing to it, the debates about immigration became especially important among politicians. After World War II, people left their home countries and searched refuge in other countries. Germany was one of those countries where refugees sought asylum. Germany received such people because its industry needed labourers. The question of the integration of immigrants became the priority of the state. We can single out five phases of immigration into Germany: (1) Post- War Immigration in 1945 – 1954, (2) Guest Workers' Immigration in 1955 – 1973, (3) Family Reunification in 1974 – 1982, (4) Asylum and Refugee Immigration in 1983 – 1993, and (5) Immigration caused by the development of the European Union and Inflows of Ethnic Germans since 1988 until nowadays.

In the last 20 years, after ethnic Germans came back to this country and other refugees started flowing to it, the debates about immigration became especially important among politicians. After World War II, people left their home countries and searched refuge in other countries. Germany was one of those countries where refugees sought asylum. Germany received such people because its industry needed labourers. The question of the integration of immigrants became the priority of the state. We can single out five phases of immigration into Germany: (1) Post- War Immigration in 1945 – 1954, (2) Guest Workers' Immigration in 1955 – 1973, (3) Family Reunification in 1974 – 1982, (4) Asylum and Refugee Immigration in 1983 – 1993, and (5) Immigration caused by the development of the European Union and Inflows of Ethnic Germans since 1988 until nowadays.

The aim of the paper is to reconstruct and analyze Alvydas Jokubaitis's under-standing of politics. It is argued that Jokubaitis couples politics with morality in opposition to the liberal project of the autonomy of politics, which seeks to separate these two fields of human activity. According to Jokubaitis, politics is a realm of realization of the spiritual side of human nature. That is the reason why, through morality, he also tries to align poli-tics with other domains of human spirituality, such as religion and metaphysics. What is common to politics, morality, religion, and metaphysics is the sphere of normativity, i.e., that of purposes, principles, and imperatives. At the same time, Jokubaitis attacks those schools of modern thought which interpret politics as corresponding solely to the physical, animal side of human nature. In this regard, positivism and scientism are singled out as the crudest attempts to misconstrue the nature of politics. The paper is based on a convic-tion that the acknowledgement of the importance of morality allows one to piece together Jokubaitis's various considerations about the nature and distinctiveness of politics into a coherent whole.

The aim of the paper is to reconstruct and analyze Alvydas Jokubaitis's under-standing of politics. It is argued that Jokubaitis couples politics with morality in opposition to the liberal project of the autonomy of politics, which seeks to separate these two fields of human activity. According to Jokubaitis, politics is a realm of realization of the spiritual side of human nature. That is the reason why, through morality, he also tries to align poli-tics with other domains of human spirituality, such as religion and metaphysics. What is common to politics, morality, religion, and metaphysics is the sphere of normativity, i.e., that of purposes, principles, and imperatives. At the same time, Jokubaitis attacks those schools of modern thought which interpret politics as corresponding solely to the physical, animal side of human nature. In this regard, positivism and scientism are singled out as the crudest attempts to misconstrue the nature of politics. The paper is based on a convic-tion that the acknowledgement of the importance of morality allows one to piece together Jokubaitis's various considerations about the nature and distinctiveness of politics into a coherent whole.