Suchergebnisse

U tekstu se prikazuje sustav lokalne samouprave u dvije europske zemlje, Njemačkoj i Francuskoj. Obrađuju se razine, broj i vrsta teritorijalnih jedinica te organizacija i struktura njihovih lokalnih samouprava. Prikazuju se različiti institucionalni oblici međuopćinskog povezivanja i suradnje koji proizlaze iz duge tradicije, ali i teritorijalnih reformi novijeg datuma. Uspoređuju se modernizacijske i menadžerske reforme lokalne samouprave od 1980-ih na- dalje te se prati proces njihova provođenja koji se u Njemačkoj uglavnom pokretao odozdo (bottom-up), dok ga je u Francuskoj vodila središnja država (top-down). ; The authors have described local self-government systems in Germany and France. They have analysed the levels, the number and type of territorial units, and the organisation and structure of German and French local self-governments. Different institutional forms of intermunicipal cooperation and connections springing from a long tradition, as well as from relatively recent territorial reforms, are shown. Modernisation and managerial reforms of local self-government since the 1980s onwards are compared, together with the process of their implementation, which has been conducted bottom-up in Germany and top-down in France.

Autor razmatra politički profil Alternative za Njemačku kako bi pridonio razumijevanju njezine pojave u političkom životu Njemačke. Analizom izbornih programa provjerava njezin položaj na osi lijevo-desno te stavove o europskim integracijama, nacionalizmu i multikulturalizmu, te o ekonomskoj politici i demokraciji. Multivarijantnom regresijskom analizom ispituje prediktivnu snagu konfesionalnih, dobnih, obrazovnih, migracijskih i ekonomskih obilježja izbornih okruga u objašnjenju varijacije u postotku glasova. Istraživanjem biografskih obilježja članova vodstva stranke testira se pretpostavljena zajednička demografska i ideološka pozadina stranačke elite. Pokazalo se da Alternativa za Njemačku odudara od stavova drugih stranaka u gledanjima na Europsku uniju, nacionalizam, multikulturalizam i ekonomsku politiku, ali ne odskače značajno na osi lijevo-desno, kao ni prema stavovima o demokraciji. Za predikciju glasovanja za tu stranku najvažnijima su se pokazala regionalna (rascjep istok-zapad), dobna i ekonomska obilježja izbornih okruga. Biografska analiza stranačke elita otkriva visok postotak bivših članova njemačkih demokršćanskih stranaka, te prevlast starijih visokoobrazovanih muškaraca u njoj. ; This paper analyzes the political profile of the Alternative for Germany to contribute to the understanding of its emergence in the German political life. An analysis of electoral manifestos tests the party's left-right position, stances on European integration, nationalism, and multiculturalism as well as on economic policy and democracy. A multiple regression analysis examines the predictive power of religion, age, education, migration, and economic status as characteristics of electoral districts explaining the variation in the party's vote percentage. An assessment of biographies of the party's leadership tests the presumed common demographic and ideologic background of the party elite. The article shows that new party differs from other German parties regarding the EU, nationalism, and multiculturalism, and economic policy, yet does not represent an outlier on the left-right scale, nor in its stance on democracy. The study of predictors of the vote for the Alternative for Germany has shown that regional (East/West cleavage), age and economic characteristics of electoral districts hold most importance. The biographic analysis of the party elite reveals a high percentage of previous CDU/CSU members and a dominance of elderly, well-educated men.

Pitanje kako formirati vladu ako izborni rezultat nije dovoljno jasan za određivanje kontura za njezino oblikovanje otvara se kada stranke nisu jasno obznanile svoje saveze prije izbora ili kada izborni rezultat nije izlučio apsolutnu većinu u korist jedne ili druge predizborno stvorene koalicije stranaka. Njemački odgovor daje prednost većinskom elementu nad ideološkim elementom. Umjesto stava da najbrojnija parlamentarna stranka nužno mora vladati ili da sukob dviju najvećih stranaka apsolutno isključuje njihov savez u postizbornom vladanju političke stranke smatraju da obvezatno moraju djelovati kako bi se institucionalno stvorila većina potrebna za vladanje. Njemačka doktrina iznosi da nužnost raspolaganja radno sposobnom vladom vrijedi više od stranačkih ideoloških razmatranja i prosudbi. U zbilji njemačkog parlamentarnog sustava predsjednik SR Njemačke predlaže za kancelara osobu koja na temelju objavljenog pismenog koalicijskog sporazuma zaključenog u prethodnom postupku formiranja vlade, prije započinjanja formalnog ustavom propisanog postupka, dokazuje da uživa apsolutnu većinu svih zastupnika u Bundestagu. U Velikoj Britaniji ustavna se zagonetka o formiranju vlade u slučaju da izbori ne rezultiraju apsolutnom većinom za pojedinu stranku u Donjem domu rješava ustavnom konvencijom. Od aktualne vlade očekuje se da podnese ostavku ako postane jasno da neće moći dobiti povjerenje Donjeg doma te ako postoji jasna alternativa. Ustav Republike Hrvatske (čl. 98.) određuje obvezatno obavljanje konzultacija, odnosno provedbu neformalnog prethodnog postupka za formiranje vlade. Takav postupak u praksi čine istražni koalicijski razgovori i završni dogovor vidljiv u koalicijskom sporazumu (SR Njemačka) ili na listi potpisa većine svih zastupnika (Hrvatska). ; The question of how to form the government if the election result is not sufficiently clear to determine the contours of its design presents itself when the parties have not made clear alliances before the elections, or if the election result did not produce an absolute majority in favour of either electoral alliance created before the elections. The German response to this problem favours the majority element over the ideological element. Instead of the view that the largest parliamentary party must necessarily rule, or that the conflict between the two largest parties absolutely excludes a post-electoral alliance, political parties consider it essential to try to institutionally create the majority required to govern. According to the German doctrine the necessity to have a working government at disposal is worth more than the party-oriented ideological considerations and positions. In the reality of the German parliamentary system, the German President proposes for a Chancellor a person who, based on a published written coalition agreement concluded in the previous procedure of forming the government, before the formal constitutionally prescribed due process, proves that he or she enjoys the confidence of an absolute majority of all the members of the Bundestag. In the UK, the constitutional puzzle of forming the government in the event that elections do not result in an absolute majority for a party in the House of Commons, is dealt with by a Constitutional convention. The current government is expected to resign if it becomes clear that it will not be able to secure the confidence of the House of Commons, and if there is a clear alternative. In Croatia, the President of the Republic gives the mandate to form the Government to the person who, upon the distribution of seats and consultations with parliamentary parties, enjoys the confidence of the majority of all the representatives. Giving the mandate to form the government without proof of consultations in previous proceedings (the list of signatures) provided to the head of a coalition that receives the most votes (a relative majority) would be unconstitutional.

Rad pručava politike razvojne pomoći kao instrumente moći za postizanje vanjskopolitičkih ciljeva koji koriste u prvom redu državama-inicijatoricama. Rad se fokusira na dvije velike europske zemlje: Francusku Republiku i Saveznu Republiku Njemačke, koje su ujedno gospodarski i politički najmoćnije zemlje članice Europske unije. Promjenom paradigme, iz one u kojoj najveću korist od politika razvojne pomoći imaju slabije razvijene zemlje u paradigmu kako dugoročno najveću korist imaju upravo zemlje koje su inicijatorice istih, rad pokazuje da starije, veće te politički i ekonomski moćnije države članice Europske unije koriste politike razvojne pomoći prema slabije razvijenim članicama, prema zemljama kandidatkinjama te ostalim zemljama, kako bi promovirale vlastiti interes i ostvarile ciljeve svoje vanjske politike. Konačno, pokazujući vezu između politika razvojne pomoći i širenja utjecaja i moći Francuske i Njemačke, rad stvora pretpostavke za novo objašnjenje odnosa moći u međunarodnom okruženju. ; The dissertation examines how the development aid policy, both in the context of national budgets and European Structural and Investment Funds, is being used as an instrument for achieving foreign policy objectives, and it is in this sense primarily beneficial for countriesdonators. Dissertation is focussed on two main European Union member states: the Republic of France and Federal Republic of Germany. By changing the paradigm from the one in which the least developed countries have the most benefit from development aid policy to the paradigm that, on the long-term, greatest benefits precisely have the countries that are the initiators of the same development aid, dissertation argues that older, bigger, politically and economically more powerful European Union member states use development policies assisting less developed members, candidate and other countries to promote their own interests and achieve goals of their foreign policy. In attempt to demonstrate the influence of France and Germany through development ...

Having reflected on the concept of direct democracy & the possibility of its implementation, the author focuses on Germany & Austria. It is not possible to hold a federal referendum in Germany, although the Basic law explicitly states that the people exercise their power also through referenda. After analyzing the Weimar experience with direct democracy, the author argues that the reasons why there are no direct democracy mechanisms at the federal level do not lie in the "bitter experience of the Weimar Republic." Having considered the implementation of direct democracy mechanisms in the German provinces & in Austria, the author concludes that Germany & Austria are not the leading countries in employing direct democracy but they are surely not at the very back of the list. Adapted from the source document.

Due to the historical experience with the Weimar Republic, some abiding constitutional principles have been built into the new Constitution of the Federal Republic of Germany (its Fundamental Law). Instead of the positivist & formalistic interpretation of democracy of the Weimar Constitution, the authors of the Fundamental Law have opted for the concept of the so-called "militant democracy" i.e. democracy firmly linked to certain values. The concept of "militant democracy" is found in a number of articles in the German Fundamental Law, as a preemptive protection of democracy & a bulwark against extremist positions even before extremist groups break any law. The concept of "militant democracy" is based on the democratic theoretical & sociological-philosophical assumptions by Karl Loewenstein & Karl Mannheim. They have been converted into constitutional practice & incorporated into the Gennan Fundamental Law. However, the instruments of "militant democracy" do not include only the protective measures stipulated by the Constitution but an array of other measures of different intensity. Various instruments of "militant democracy" meant to protect democracy in the FR of Germany are described & include the discursive, penal-legal, administrative & constitutional-legal protection of democracy. The instruments of the protection of democracy in the Federal Republic of Germany are not unique, but some instruments e.g. the possibility of banning political parties are very rare in western democracies. & finally, this situation is briefly compared to the situation in some western & postcommunist democracies. References. Adapted from the source document.

Povećanje nezaposlenosti, loš životni standard i opća besperspektivnost, ali i politički razlozi bili su glavni potisni čimbenik iseljavanja iz Jugoslavije tijekom 60-ih i 70-ih godina prošloga stoljeća. U fokusu ovoga rada je iseljavanje građana iz Hercegovine kao regije s najvećom stopom iseljavanja u vrijeme komunističke Jugoslavije. Zbog velike potrebe za radnom snagom i zbog postojanja razgranatih migrantskih mreža (rodbinskih i inih veza), najveći dio iseljenika odlučio se za Saveznu Republiku Njemačku. Prilikom dolaska u SR Njemačku iseljenici se susreću s mnogobrojnim nedaćama i problemima koje ćemo razmotriti u ovome radu. Rad se temelji na metodi pripovjedne povijesti i pripovijesti šestero kazivača. Cilj je predočiti etnološku i kulturno-antropološku sliku života tadašnjih iseljenika, koji se u ovome radu izjednačuju s terminom "gastarbajteri". Jedan od ciljeva rada jest otkriti uzročno-posljedične veze i motive iseljavanja iz komunističke Jugoslavije u SR Njemačku u razdoblju od 1960. do 1973. te prikazati svakodnevicu iseljenika u Njemačkoj. Zaključak rada jest da su razgranate hrvatske migrantske mreže jedan od glavnih poticajnih čimbenika iseljavanja u Njemačku. ; Rising unemployment, poor living standards, and general lack of prospects, but also political reasons were the main drivers of emigration from Yugoslavia during the 1960s and 1970s. The focus of this paper is on emigration to Germany from Herzegovina as the region with the highest emigration rate during the communist Yugoslav political framework. Due to the huge need for the workers and due to the developed migrant networks (family-based or other) the majority of the emigrants decided to go to the Federal Republic of Germany. After their arrival the emigrants are faced with numerous problems, that this paper discusses. The paper is based on the method of oral history and the narrative of six narrators with the aim of acquiring an ethnological and cultural-anthropological picture of the life of the then emigrants, who are in this paper equivalent to the term "Gastarbeiters". One of the aims of the paper is to unveil causes, consequences and motivation for the emigration from the communist Yugoslavia to the Federal Republic of Germany in the period 1960 till 1973 as well as to depict everyday life of the emigrants in Germany. The conclusion of the paper is that the branched Croatian migrant networks were one of the main incentives for the emigration of Croats to Germany.

Problem solving in Germany has roots in mathematics and psychology but it found its way to schools and classrooms, especially through German Kultusministerkonferenz, which represents all government departments of education. For the problem solving standard to get implemented in schools, a large scale dissemination through continuous professional development is very much needed, as the current mathematics teachers are not qualified to do so. As a consequence, one organ in Germany focuses on setting up courses for teacher educators who can "multiply" what they have learned and set up their own professional development courses for teachers. However, before attaining to this work, it is crucial to have an understanding what conceptions about teaching problem solving in mathematics classroom mathematics teacher educators hold. In this research report, I focus on mathematics teacher educators' conceptions about problem solving standard and their effects regarding a large-scale dissemination. ; Problem solving in Germany has roots in mathematics and psychology but it found its way to schools and classrooms, especially through German Kultusministerkonferenz, which represents all government departments of education. For the problem solving standard to get implemented in schools, a large scale dissemination through continuous professional development is very much needed, as the current mathematics teachers are not qualified to do so. As a consequence, one organ in Germany focuses on setting up courses for teacher educators who can "multiply" what they have learned and set up their own professional development courses for teachers. However, before attaining to this work, it is crucial to have an understanding what conceptions about teaching problem solving in mathematics classroom mathematics teacher educators hold. In this research report, I focus on mathematics teacher educators' conceptions about problem solving standard and their effects regarding a large-scale dissemination.

Hegel submits the Constitution of the German Empire at the turn of the 18th century to a thorough critical analysis, pointing out at the beginning of the text that Germany is no longer a state. The German Constitution cannot be the foundation for German state unity because it is a conglomerate of private rights, a sanctioned separation of parts (estates) from the whole that they had secured for themselves during the preceding centuries. Such a situation was conditioned by the deficient constitutional development of Germany. Unlike most European nations, the Germans had not built a state, i.e., were neither capable of nor ready to sacrifice their particularities to the whole & discover freedom in the common free subjection to a single supreme political authority. For the most part, the text analyses particular aspects of the German Constitution -- the armed forces, finance, legislation, position of the estates -- and provides a comparison of the emergence & rise of the state in Germany & the rest of Europe that confirms Hegel's initial judgment that Germany cannot be considered a state. It is in these analyses that his idea of the state from the writings on the Constitution crystallizes. Inspired by Machiavelli -- the genuinely political mind of "the highest & noblest sentiments" -- to whom he dedicates almost an entire chapter -- Hegel above all wants to see the foundation of a single body political as opposed to all existing systems of particular rights & privileges. The state is thus above all power through which a multitude actually (and not just in intention & words) defends the totality of its property. But this is only its first determination. The wider meaning of the state includes governance through general laws -- which only makes a country a state -- then at least minimal central financial authority, the separation of church & state, but also the participation of the people in the legislative procedure through political representation. In addition to that, a well-organized state is one that limits itself to the essential functions, leaving the citizens their living freedom in everything else, for this freedom is inherently sacred. Finally, since "the concept of necessity & insight into its nature are much too weak to have an effect on action itself," they must be justified by force; therefore, at the end of the text Hegel calls upon the conqueror, the modern Theseus, to unite the scattered mass of nations & mutually isolated estates into a state. Adapted from the source document.

The article analyses the main characteristics of a new German political party -- Piratenpartei, its genesis and the impact it has already had on German politics. The success of this party, which now has representatives in the Parliament of Berlin and four more regional parliaments in Germany city council, is an indication of the importance of the Internet, as well as of the need to address new issues on the political agenda. Some of these issues involve free access to information, as well as the need for abandoning periodical elections as the main method of citizens' involvement in politics. Instead, the Piratenpartei, as well as other similar parties in northern Europe, advocates a more permanent and direct involvement of people in the decision-making process. This is defined as the concept of "liquid democracy". The Piratenpartei has influenced the German political scene by forcing other political parties to adopt their programmes if they wish to preserve their influence in German politics. This is particularly important for the younger generation of voters, who are now increasingly using the Internet as an instrument of political activism. Adapted from the source document.

Autori u ovom radu donose informacije o organiziranim prisilnim iseljavanjima Slovenaca s područja Štajerske i Dolenjske, na područje NDH, Njemačke i Srbije, na temelju sjećanja kazivača, članova sekcije izgnanaca Slovenskog doma u Zagrebu. Na temelju objavljene literature i polustrukturiranih dubinskih intervjua, autori donose podatke o prisilnom iseljavanju, odvođenju u logore i životu u progonstvu te povratku kućama. ; Based on the testimonies of individuals from the Zagreb Section of the Society of Slovenian Exiles, the authors record various data on the forced exile from Slovenia in 1941. Following the short military conflict in April 1941, Slovenia was divided between Hungary, Germany and Italy. The Germans had a plan wherein they would forcibly deport the local Slovenian population from Styria (and in part Lower Carniola), then resettle migrants of German nationality (primarily from Gottschee) into their homes. The storytellers, most of whom were at the time children, recount their preparations for this forced exile, leaving their homes, and being brought to the labour camp Brestanica/Rajhenburg (ger. Reichenburg) and to Maribor, after which they were deported to Germany, the Independent State of Croatia or Serbia. Life in camps in Germany was very hard for most storytellers, and only few of them were lucky enough to be placed in German homes as help. In German camps, the Slovenians underwent heavy Germanisation, which is recounted by most of the witnesses, who were children at the time. After being forcibly moved to the Independent State of Croatia and its camp in Slavonska Požega, the Slovenians were then reallocated to the estates of Serbs who were previously forcibly deported to Serbia. Research shows that the position of the izgnanci in Croatia was worse than that of the izgnanci in Germany, as they were, for the most part, left to their own devices in Croatia. After the end of the war, most of the exiled Slovenians returned to their original homes. Upon return, they largely found ruined and abandoned houses, and were forced to start their lives over with nothing. Today, there are almost no living izgnanci who were older than 15 at the time of the exile and deportation. Therefore, the statements given by the witnesses in 2019 and 2020 were mostly given by persons who were no older than 8 at the moment of the exile. Collecting their memories is a challenge and it is high time to record their statements about these events from those witnesses who are still alive.