Suchergebnisse

U tekstu se prikazuje sustav lokalne samouprave u dvije europske zemlje, Njemačkoj i Francuskoj. Obrađuju se razine, broj i vrsta teritorijalnih jedinica te organizacija i struktura njihovih lokalnih samouprava. Prikazuju se različiti institucionalni oblici međuopćinskog povezivanja i suradnje koji proizlaze iz duge tradicije, ali i teritorijalnih reformi novijeg datuma. Uspoređuju se modernizacijske i menadžerske reforme lokalne samouprave od 1980-ih na- dalje te se prati proces njihova provođenja koji se u Njemačkoj uglavnom pokretao odozdo (bottom-up), dok ga je u Francuskoj vodila središnja država (top-down). ; The authors have described local self-government systems in Germany and France. They have analysed the levels, the number and type of territorial units, and the organisation and structure of German and French local self-governments. Different institutional forms of intermunicipal cooperation and connections springing from a long tradition, as well as from relatively recent territorial reforms, are shown. Modernisation and managerial reforms of local self-government since the 1980s onwards are compared, together with the process of their implementation, which has been conducted bottom-up in Germany and top-down in France.

Economic Diplomacy is a big challenge in the modern day world and opportunity. It allows states to create and maintain bonds with other countries in order to benefit its economy, which is important in an era of reoccurring financial crisis. However, different strategies are developed by different states and it is interesting to see what objective characteristics of the country influence Economic Diplomacy practices and how it does so. This research takes a look into three different states in an attempt to investigate how different characteristics, such as relative power, size and historical background, affect Economic Diplomacy decisions and priorities. Germany, Poland and Lithuania were selected for the research as they provide an opportunity for the comparative analysis of the most different cases. At first, this paper considers the theoretical aspect of Economic Diplomacy, defining the term and naming most relevant theoretical approaches to it. Then, main contextual differences between the states included in the study are established. These differences in political system, relative power and size, and historical background allow for more in depth comparative analysis, because it is possible to place results into a broader context, revealing which countries proportionally are doing better. Finally, Economic Diplomacy structures, priorities and outcomes are analysed. Neorealism perspective allows for a better view of power struggles within the global arena of political economy that all these states are incorporated into. The research reveals that Economic Diplomacy in Lithuania was the most broadly articulated from this selection of states. There is a special institution and strategies devoted specifically for this practice. However, as so far, outcomes are relatively poor because of historical context – inefficient governance and undeveloped image do not allow simple solutions to be effective. Poland can be singled out as a relative leader in FDI field, since it manages to attract significant FDI flows as well as become an important FDI source country. Germany is a big power, immersing into global power games. While Poland and Lithuania are looking for investments, Germany is housing many international corporations and is focusing its Economic Diplomacy towards more global goals and expansion of export market. All of these results confirm initial assumption that power, size and historical background are important, power remaining the most significant one.

Economic Diplomacy is a big challenge in the modern day world and opportunity. It allows states to create and maintain bonds with other countries in order to benefit its economy, which is important in an era of reoccurring financial crisis. However, different strategies are developed by different states and it is interesting to see what objective characteristics of the country influence Economic Diplomacy practices and how it does so. This research takes a look into three different states in an attempt to investigate how different characteristics, such as relative power, size and historical background, affect Economic Diplomacy decisions and priorities. Germany, Poland and Lithuania were selected for the research as they provide an opportunity for the comparative analysis of the most different cases. At first, this paper considers the theoretical aspect of Economic Diplomacy, defining the term and naming most relevant theoretical approaches to it. Then, main contextual differences between the states included in the study are established. These differences in political system, relative power and size, and historical background allow for more in depth comparative analysis, because it is possible to place results into a broader context, revealing which countries proportionally are doing better. Finally, Economic Diplomacy structures, priorities and outcomes are analysed. Neorealism perspective allows for a better view of power struggles within the global arena of political economy that all these states are incorporated into. The research reveals that Economic Diplomacy in Lithuania was the most broadly articulated from this selection of states. There is a special institution and strategies devoted specifically for this practice. However, as so far, outcomes are relatively poor because of historical context – inefficient governance and undeveloped image do not allow simple solutions to be effective. Poland can be singled out as a relative leader in FDI field, since it manages to attract significant FDI flows as well as become an important FDI source country. Germany is a big power, immersing into global power games. While Poland and Lithuania are looking for investments, Germany is housing many international corporations and is focusing its Economic Diplomacy towards more global goals and expansion of export market. All of these results confirm initial assumption that power, size and historical background are important, power remaining the most significant one.

Economic Diplomacy is a big challenge in the modern day world and opportunity. It allows states to create and maintain bonds with other countries in order to benefit its economy, which is important in an era of reoccurring financial crisis. However, different strategies are developed by different states and it is interesting to see what objective characteristics of the country influence Economic Diplomacy practices and how it does so. This research takes a look into three different states in an attempt to investigate how different characteristics, such as relative power, size and historical background, affect Economic Diplomacy decisions and priorities. Germany, Poland and Lithuania were selected for the research as they provide an opportunity for the comparative analysis of the most different cases. At first, this paper considers the theoretical aspect of Economic Diplomacy, defining the term and naming most relevant theoretical approaches to it. Then, main contextual differences between the states included in the study are established. These differences in political system, relative power and size, and historical background allow for more in depth comparative analysis, because it is possible to place results into a broader context, revealing which countries proportionally are doing better. Finally, Economic Diplomacy structures, priorities and outcomes are analysed. Neorealism perspective allows for a better view of power struggles within the global arena of political economy that all these states are incorporated into. The research reveals that Economic Diplomacy in Lithuania was the most broadly articulated from this selection of states. There is a special institution and strategies devoted specifically for this practice. However, as so far, outcomes are relatively poor because of historical context – inefficient governance and undeveloped image do not allow simple solutions to be effective. Poland can be singled out as a relative leader in FDI field, since it manages to attract significant FDI flows as well as become an important FDI source country. Germany is a big power, immersing into global power games. While Poland and Lithuania are looking for investments, Germany is housing many international corporations and is focusing its Economic Diplomacy towards more global goals and expansion of export market. All of these results confirm initial assumption that power, size and historical background are important, power remaining the most significant one.

Autor razmatra politički profil Alternative za Njemačku kako bi pridonio razumijevanju njezine pojave u političkom životu Njemačke. Analizom izbornih programa provjerava njezin položaj na osi lijevo-desno te stavove o europskim integracijama, nacionalizmu i multikulturalizmu, te o ekonomskoj politici i demokraciji. Multivarijantnom regresijskom analizom ispituje prediktivnu snagu konfesionalnih, dobnih, obrazovnih, migracijskih i ekonomskih obilježja izbornih okruga u objašnjenju varijacije u postotku glasova. Istraživanjem biografskih obilježja članova vodstva stranke testira se pretpostavljena zajednička demografska i ideološka pozadina stranačke elite. Pokazalo se da Alternativa za Njemačku odudara od stavova drugih stranaka u gledanjima na Europsku uniju, nacionalizam, multikulturalizam i ekonomsku politiku, ali ne odskače značajno na osi lijevo-desno, kao ni prema stavovima o demokraciji. Za predikciju glasovanja za tu stranku najvažnijima su se pokazala regionalna (rascjep istok-zapad), dobna i ekonomska obilježja izbornih okruga. Biografska analiza stranačke elita otkriva visok postotak bivših članova njemačkih demokršćanskih stranaka, te prevlast starijih visokoobrazovanih muškaraca u njoj. ; This paper analyzes the political profile of the Alternative for Germany to contribute to the understanding of its emergence in the German political life. An analysis of electoral manifestos tests the party's left-right position, stances on European integration, nationalism, and multiculturalism as well as on economic policy and democracy. A multiple regression analysis examines the predictive power of religion, age, education, migration, and economic status as characteristics of electoral districts explaining the variation in the party's vote percentage. An assessment of biographies of the party's leadership tests the presumed common demographic and ideologic background of the party elite. The article shows that new party differs from other German parties regarding the EU, nationalism, and multiculturalism, and economic policy, yet does not represent an outlier on the left-right scale, nor in its stance on democracy. The study of predictors of the vote for the Alternative for Germany has shown that regional (East/West cleavage), age and economic characteristics of electoral districts hold most importance. The biographic analysis of the party elite reveals a high percentage of previous CDU/CSU members and a dominance of elderly, well-educated men.

In the last 20 years, after ethnic Germans came back to this country and other refugees started flowing to it, the debates about immigration became especially important among politicians. After World War II, people left their home countries and searched refuge in other countries. Germany was one of those countries where refugees sought asylum. Germany received such people because its industry needed labourers. The question of the integration of immigrants became the priority of the state. We can single out five phases of immigration into Germany: (1) Post- War Immigration in 1945 – 1954, (2) Guest Workers' Immigration in 1955 – 1973, (3) Family Reunification in 1974 – 1982, (4) Asylum and Refugee Immigration in 1983 – 1993, and (5) Immigration caused by the development of the European Union and Inflows of Ethnic Germans since 1988 until nowadays.

In the last 20 years, after ethnic Germans came back to this country and other refugees started flowing to it, the debates about immigration became especially important among politicians. After World War II, people left their home countries and searched refuge in other countries. Germany was one of those countries where refugees sought asylum. Germany received such people because its industry needed labourers. The question of the integration of immigrants became the priority of the state. We can single out five phases of immigration into Germany: (1) Post- War Immigration in 1945 – 1954, (2) Guest Workers' Immigration in 1955 – 1973, (3) Family Reunification in 1974 – 1982, (4) Asylum and Refugee Immigration in 1983 – 1993, and (5) Immigration caused by the development of the European Union and Inflows of Ethnic Germans since 1988 until nowadays.

In the last 20 years, after ethnic Germans came back to this country and other refugees started flowing to it, the debates about immigration became especially important among politicians. After World War II, people left their home countries and searched refuge in other countries. Germany was one of those countries where refugees sought asylum. Germany received such people because its industry needed labourers. The question of the integration of immigrants became the priority of the state. We can single out five phases of immigration into Germany: (1) Post- War Immigration in 1945 – 1954, (2) Guest Workers' Immigration in 1955 – 1973, (3) Family Reunification in 1974 – 1982, (4) Asylum and Refugee Immigration in 1983 – 1993, and (5) Immigration caused by the development of the European Union and Inflows of Ethnic Germans since 1988 until nowadays.

Although United Nations convention on the rights of the child states, that priority should be given to adoption in case the child loses his parents, the dominant child care form in Lithuania remains temporary and permanent. The situation in Lithuania is improving, however, analyzing legal regulation of adoption, the gaps that need to be removed by changing legal acts are still found. It is considered that the experience of European Union countries should be taken and applied to improve Lithuanian adoption framework. Therefore, this reason and authors personal experience is the cause for comparing Lithuania's and Germany's, the countries that has deeper experience and traditions in adoption field, legal regulation of adoption. The object of the master research work is the adoption institute in Lithuania and Germany. The objective of the research is to compare legal regulation of the adoption institute material conditions in Lithuania and Germany. Therefore, the work is focused on the analysis of the adoption material conditions that are raised for potential adoptive parents and adoptees. Also the conditions that most off all satisfy a child interests are determined. The conditions for international adoption are analyzed trying to find out why more and more children are adopted by foreign people. The comparative document analysis was chosen as the main research method, because it is one of the methods that lets most precisely compare the legal regulation of adoption in two countries. Research results indicated many differences. In Germany, conversely than in Lithuania, trying to persuade parent-child relation suitability, there is one year lasting child care period (Testing period) before the adoption. Meanwhile, in Lithuania it is not a necessary procedure and is assigned only after noticing inadequacy of adoptive parents. Despite higher number of adoptive children in Lithuania, there is also more constricted range of adoptive persons. In Germany, unlike in Lithuania, aside confidential adoption form there is practiced open and half open adoption forms. Accomplished research allows to state that some legal norms that regulate adoption intercourse should be changed – this would not only guarantee a well-run legal regulation of adoption, but also would let to better secure the interests of adoptive child.

Although United Nations convention on the rights of the child states, that priority should be given to adoption in case the child loses his parents, the dominant child care form in Lithuania remains temporary and permanent. The situation in Lithuania is improving, however, analyzing legal regulation of adoption, the gaps that need to be removed by changing legal acts are still found. It is considered that the experience of European Union countries should be taken and applied to improve Lithuanian adoption framework. Therefore, this reason and authors personal experience is the cause for comparing Lithuania's and Germany's, the countries that has deeper experience and traditions in adoption field, legal regulation of adoption. The object of the master research work is the adoption institute in Lithuania and Germany. The objective of the research is to compare legal regulation of the adoption institute material conditions in Lithuania and Germany. Therefore, the work is focused on the analysis of the adoption material conditions that are raised for potential adoptive parents and adoptees. Also the conditions that most off all satisfy a child interests are determined. The conditions for international adoption are analyzed trying to find out why more and more children are adopted by foreign people. The comparative document analysis was chosen as the main research method, because it is one of the methods that lets most precisely compare the legal regulation of adoption in two countries. Research results indicated many differences. In Germany, conversely than in Lithuania, trying to persuade parent-child relation suitability, there is one year lasting child care period (Testing period) before the adoption. Meanwhile, in Lithuania it is not a necessary procedure and is assigned only after noticing inadequacy of adoptive parents. Despite higher number of adoptive children in Lithuania, there is also more constricted range of adoptive persons. In Germany, unlike in Lithuania, aside confidential adoption form there is practiced open and half open adoption forms. Accomplished research allows to state that some legal norms that regulate adoption intercourse should be changed – this would not only guarantee a well-run legal regulation of adoption, but also would let to better secure the interests of adoptive child.

Contemporary political scientists argue that citizens of established democracies engage in the activities of political participation more actively than the ones of new democracies. However, little is known about the extent of such a difference, therefore, the paper attempts to quantify it by comparing the activeness of political participation in a new democracy – Lithuania, and in an established one – Germany. The margin of the difference presumed is determined by utilizing a descriptive statistical analysis method while comparing three forms of political participation in the analyzed countries: voting, protests, and membership in political parties. The article finishes by putting the differences in the activity of political participation in concrete numbers, and is concluded with the following statement: Germans are voting more often, however, Lithuanian citizens protest more frequently, and join political parties more actively than the German ones.

Contemporary political scientists argue that citizens of established democracies engage in the activities of political participation more actively than the ones of new democracies. However, little is known about the extent of such a difference, therefore, the paper attempts to quantify it by comparing the activeness of political participation in a new democracy – Lithuania, and in an established one – Germany. The margin of the difference presumed is determined by utilizing a descriptive statistical analysis method while comparing three forms of political participation in the analyzed countries: voting, protests, and membership in political parties. The article finishes by putting the differences in the activity of political participation in concrete numbers, and is concluded with the following statement: Germans are voting more often, however, Lithuanian citizens protest more frequently, and join political parties more actively than the German ones.

Contemporary political scientists argue that citizens of established democracies engage in the activities of political participation more actively than the ones of new democracies. However, little is known about the extent of such a difference, therefore, the paper attempts to quantify it by comparing the activeness of political participation in a new democracy – Lithuania, and in an established one – Germany. The margin of the difference presumed is determined by utilizing a descriptive statistical analysis method while comparing three forms of political participation in the analyzed countries: voting, protests, and membership in political parties. The article finishes by putting the differences in the activity of political participation in concrete numbers, and is concluded with the following statement: Germans are voting more often, however, Lithuanian citizens protest more frequently, and join political parties more actively than the German ones.

This master thesis concerns with Lithuanian CFC rules. The necessity to analyze and improve current Lithuanian CFC legislation first of all is influenced by recent position of European Court of Justice, stated in case Cadbury Schweppes plc & Cadbury Schweppes Overseas Ltd v Commissioners of Inland Revenue, and quite poor practice applying CFC rules in Lithuania. The primary objective of this master thesis is to examine the basic elements of Lithuanian CFC rules and compare them to British and German CFC legislation. There is no purpose to find perfect or the most suitable controlled foreign company legislation for Lithuania, as this would require much wider and deeper analysis of foreign CFC rules and practice, but, regarding ECJ position in above mentioned case, possible alternatives for current Lithuanian CFC rules are examined. The structure of master thesis reflects the basic scheme of CFC rules, common for all countries that apply them: it begins with analysis of the concept of controlled foreign company and exceptions of CFC rules, then the rules for computation of passive income of CFC and apportionment to resident shareholders are assessed, then the taxation of apportioned profits of a CFC and methods of relief to prevent double taxation are discussed. Thesis is concluded by summarizing examined issues and presenting basic guidelines for improvement of current Lithuanian CFC rules.