Suchergebnisse

After the first elections for the federal parliament (Bundestag) of unified Germany in Dec 1990, one new party gained entrance into the Bundestag: the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS). This party is the successor party of the United Socialist Party of Germany (SED), the ruling communist party in East Germany. The PDS is still represented in the Bundestag; it also has representatives in all lander parliaments of the eastern German regions, & is the third strongest party overall, & in some eastern German towns, the strongest party. To explain the PDS's excellent electoral results & its political clout, the author analyzes the party's ideological/programmatic goals, as well as the social conflicts it articulates in the German party system. The PDS represents the anti-Western social milieu, which includes 20% of the population of eastern Germany. Although the PDS has been trying to shed its communist legacy, its attitude toward the elements of the liberal/democratic regime has remained ambivalent since its members & voters demonstrate a significant antidemocratic potential. 12 Tables, 23 References. Adapted from the source document.

Having reflected on the concept of direct democracy & the possibility of its implementation, the author focuses on Germany & Austria. It is not possible to hold a federal referendum in Germany, although the Basic law explicitly states that the people exercise their power also through referenda. After analyzing the Weimar experience with direct democracy, the author argues that the reasons why there are no direct democracy mechanisms at the federal level do not lie in the "bitter experience of the Weimar Republic." Having considered the implementation of direct democracy mechanisms in the German provinces & in Austria, the author concludes that Germany & Austria are not the leading countries in employing direct democracy but they are surely not at the very back of the list. Adapted from the source document.

Emperor Carl's peace initiative via Prince Sixt of Bourbon is one of the most intriguing & insufficiently explained diplomatic episodes of WWI. By forging a quick peace, the Emperor wanted to eliminate the German tutelage & save the Habsburg Monarchy from the inevitable collapse in case of the Central Powers' defeat. The peace initiative failed largely due to Italy's reluctance to cede the territories promised to it by the London Peace Agreement, but also because it was not clear whether Austro-Hungary wanted a separate or universal peace in agreement with Germany. The failure of the Emperor's peace initiative politically discredited him, & at the same time made the Dual Monarchy even more politically & militarily dependent on Germany as well as on the outcome of the war itself. Adapted from the source document.

Germany's security dilemma is to fulfill the larger role in Europe & global security that is expected after reunification, while not rekindling a sense of threat, particularly among neighbors to the East. Opinion surveys of Germans & Central/East Europeans reveal substantial difficulties if Germany were to become more assertive. Changes in German behavior & constitutional interpretation suggest a maturation or "normalization" of German foreign policy. Thus far, these changes have emphasized traditional forms of diplomacy & alliance behavior focused on using the enlarged capacities of a reunited Germany that more directly pursue German interests. Alternative ways by which to perform a larger security role are discussed, particularly in light of data regarding the mutual perceptions of Germans among neighboring peoples & leaders. Adapted from the source document.

Due to the historical experience with the Weimar Republic, some abiding constitutional principles have been built into the new Constitution of the Federal Republic of Germany (its Fundamental Law). Instead of the positivist & formalistic interpretation of democracy of the Weimar Constitution, the authors of the Fundamental Law have opted for the concept of the so-called "militant democracy" i.e. democracy firmly linked to certain values. The concept of "militant democracy" is found in a number of articles in the German Fundamental Law, as a preemptive protection of democracy & a bulwark against extremist positions even before extremist groups break any law. The concept of "militant democracy" is based on the democratic theoretical & sociological-philosophical assumptions by Karl Loewenstein & Karl Mannheim. They have been converted into constitutional practice & incorporated into the Gennan Fundamental Law. However, the instruments of "militant democracy" do not include only the protective measures stipulated by the Constitution but an array of other measures of different intensity. Various instruments of "militant democracy" meant to protect democracy in the FR of Germany are described & include the discursive, penal-legal, administrative & constitutional-legal protection of democracy. The instruments of the protection of democracy in the Federal Republic of Germany are not unique, but some instruments e.g. the possibility of banning political parties are very rare in western democracies. & finally, this situation is briefly compared to the situation in some western & postcommunist democracies. References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the development of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) as a federal party & states its ideological & programmatic objectives. The inauspicious experience of the Weimar Republic as well as the disastrous aftermath of the reign of National Socialism played the pivotal role in the shaping of the CDU. There have been attempts to fill in the ethical vacuum following the collapse of National Socialism by Christian humanism. The author focuses next on the Ahlen program (1947) & the Hamburg (1953) & Berlin (1968) party conventions. Particularly highlighted is the period between 1969 & 1982, the era of program modernization. In closing, the author looks into the current party standings in Germany today. Adapted from the source document.

German sociologist & anthropologist Helmuth Plessner has tried to explain the ascent of national socialism in Germany with the belated formation of the German nation. Not only was it formed later than other West European nations, but also it was formed in a different manner. While West European nations were formed by countering the monarchy with the novel concept of the state as a republic, the German nation was founded on the culture within the Reich, which was "a great power devoid of the idea of the state." The author has tried to prove the limited analytical value of Plessner's distinction between the belated & timely nations of pointing out that culture & tradition are an essential medium for the formation of nations. Adapted from the source document.

German sociologist & anthropologist Helmuth Plessner has tried to explain the ascent of national socialism in Germany with the belated formation of the German nation. Not only was it formed later than other West European nations, but also it was formed in a different manner. While West European nations were formed by countering the monarchy with the novel concept of the state as a republic, the German nation was founded on the culture within the Reich, which was "a great power devoid of the idea of the state." The author has tried to prove the limited analytical value of Plessner's distinction between the belated & timely nations of pointing out that culture & tradition are an essential medium for the formation of nations. Adapted from the source document.

Hegel submits the Constitution of the German Empire at the turn of the 18th century to a thorough critical analysis, pointing out at the beginning of the text that Germany is no longer a state. The German Constitution cannot be the foundation for German state unity because it is a conglomerate of private rights, a sanctioned separation of parts (estates) from the whole that they had secured for themselves during the preceding centuries. Such a situation was conditioned by the deficient constitutional development of Germany. Unlike most European nations, the Germans had not built a state, i.e., were neither capable of nor ready to sacrifice their particularities to the whole & discover freedom in the common free subjection to a single supreme political authority. For the most part, the text analyses particular aspects of the German Constitution -- the armed forces, finance, legislation, position of the estates -- and provides a comparison of the emergence & rise of the state in Germany & the rest of Europe that confirms Hegel's initial judgment that Germany cannot be considered a state. It is in these analyses that his idea of the state from the writings on the Constitution crystallizes. Inspired by Machiavelli -- the genuinely political mind of "the highest & noblest sentiments" -- to whom he dedicates almost an entire chapter -- Hegel above all wants to see the foundation of a single body political as opposed to all existing systems of particular rights & privileges. The state is thus above all power through which a multitude actually (and not just in intention & words) defends the totality of its property. But this is only its first determination. The wider meaning of the state includes governance through general laws -- which only makes a country a state -- then at least minimal central financial authority, the separation of church & state, but also the participation of the people in the legislative procedure through political representation. In addition to that, a well-organized state is one that limits itself to the essential functions, leaving the citizens their living freedom in everything else, for this freedom is inherently sacred. Finally, since "the concept of necessity & insight into its nature are much too weak to have an effect on action itself," they must be justified by force; therefore, at the end of the text Hegel calls upon the conqueror, the modern Theseus, to unite the scattered mass of nations & mutually isolated estates into a state. Adapted from the source document.

The article analyses the main characteristics of a new German political party -- Piratenpartei, its genesis and the impact it has already had on German politics. The success of this party, which now has representatives in the Parliament of Berlin and four more regional parliaments in Germany city council, is an indication of the importance of the Internet, as well as of the need to address new issues on the political agenda. Some of these issues involve free access to information, as well as the need for abandoning periodical elections as the main method of citizens' involvement in politics. Instead, the Piratenpartei, as well as other similar parties in northern Europe, advocates a more permanent and direct involvement of people in the decision-making process. This is defined as the concept of "liquid democracy". The Piratenpartei has influenced the German political scene by forcing other political parties to adopt their programmes if they wish to preserve their influence in German politics. This is particularly important for the younger generation of voters, who are now increasingly using the Internet as an instrument of political activism. Adapted from the source document.

This brief note introduces three Croatian translations presented in this journal issue of articles by German authors & identifies the source from which they were taken. Focus is on the pertinence of these essays on patriotism, nationalism, homeland, & state to the current situation in Croatia where both the political Left & Right are zealously engaged in building a state based on unconditional love for the country & its identification with an ethnically homogeneous nation. The nationalism of Nazi Germany & post-Yugoslavian Croatia are also compared. Z. Dubiel

The author looks into the Germanic ideas of Central Europe until the end of World War One. First, he reviews different meanings of the term "Central Europe" & its omission or inclusion in encyclopedias & lexicons. Then he goes on to describe the concepts of Central Europe by German & Austrian thinkers, who define it as various ways of political, cultural, & economic organization of the Central European region. The Germanic ideas of Central Europe tried to politically link the divided German ethnos, protect it from the influence of the "decadent" West & create a bulwark towards Russia. The author concludes that the underlying base of the Germanic ideas of Central Europe is German history as a "special path" (der Sonderweg). That is why they are grounded in romanticism & the rebuttal of liberal & democratic values, ensuing from the fatuity of German bourgeoisie. These ideas were proselytized with the intention of securing for the young nation its exclusive space, Central Europe, & ensuring its place in world history. Adapted from the source document.