Within the last twenty or so years a lot has changed in bioethics that is worthy of a serious re-writing of its history. Namely, up to the end of the 20th century Anglo-American "biomedical ethics" (often borrowing the name "bioethics" coined by V. R. Potter but deliberately ignoring Potter's concept), launched from Georgetown University and narrowed down to four principles, was a globally predominant doctrine, propagated by the Kennedy Institute of Ethics, its students, financial resources, and political power. Up to then, most of Europe had been very slowly accepting the notion of "bioethics", perceiving it correctly as an unnecessary American "import", while attempts to Europeanise the idea by revising the set of principles had not proven to be particularly successful. With the discovery of the work of Fritz Jahr in 1997, however, European bioethics regained its lost genealogy and found the courage to claim respect for values other than the American ones. Within the bioethics defined by the Jahrian "Imperative", a place could have been found not only for the colourful, philosophical, religious and cultural legacy of Europe, but also for the newly evaluated Potter's work. This "fusion", a substantial and methodological deepening and broadening of the discipline, soon revealed its attractiveness to Latin-American and Asian centres and individuals also. Today we can talk with certainty about the end of "bioethics in Europe" and the beginning of "European bioethics" with all the complexity and interdependence of its variations – Mediterranean, German, French, Central and Eastern European, and others. By finding similarities among them, we might eliminate fear from "insurmountable" moral relativism, but also avoid the mistake of understanding global bioethics as a list of national bioethics. For the sake of constructing a more "universal bioethics", this paper finds the ideas of Fritz Jahr, Van Rensselaer Potter, Diego Gracia Guillén, and integrative bioethics as promoted by several Southeast-European authors, as ...
Šibenski grafičar Martin Rota-Kolunić (rođen oko 1540. djeluje u Veneciji, Rimu, Beču i Pragu, gdje je umro prije 23. rujna 1583) izveo je u Veneciji 1571. i 1572. niz grafika koje dokumentarno ili simbolički opisuju sklapanje "Svete Lige", bitku kod Lepanta i pomorski rat s Turcima tih godina. U ovom članku prikazani su i kratko interpretirani svi poznati Rotini listovi na tu temu, od kojih neki do sad nisu bili objelodanjeni. ; Eines der größten politischen Ereignisse im 16. Jahrhundert war Seeschlacht bei Lepanto am 7. 10. 1571. in der die türkische Armee die erste valkommende Niederlage erlitten hat. Die Schlacht wurde auf vielen künstlerischen Werken aus dieser Zeit dergestellt Die graphischen Blätter haben die glückliche Siegesnachricht in das breite Publikum zerstreut. Dabei entstanden populäre Flugblätter, aber auch großformatige Kupferstiche und Radierungen, die einen mehr elitären graphischen Charakter besitzen. Martin Rota-Kolunic (Sibenik, um 1540. - Prag, vor. 23. 9. 1853) fertigte in Venedig um 1571/1572 eine Reihe Blätter an, die auch diesem Ereignis gewidmet sind. Unter ihnen befinden sich drei, die schon im großen Nachschlagwerk über "deutsche illustrierte Flugblätter" von W. HARMS (1980) ausführlich behandelt wurden, aber auch einige, die, meines Wissens, zum ersten Mal heir veröffentlicht werden. Auf seinen Kupferstichen und Radierungen dokumentiert Rota die wichtigen Momente aus der Geschichte und Vorgeschichte der Schlacht: das Entstehen des "Heiligen Bundes" die Schlachtordnung der Schiffe, und die Schlacht selbst, die Verbündeten mit Viktorien und Siegespalmen nach dem Sieg (Abb. 2). Auf zwei Blättern zeigt er die Belagerung der peloponnesischen Stadt Modone, und auf einem Blatt, wahrscheinlich auch auch dieser Zeit, die Seeschlacht zwizchen drei Malteser und sechs türkischen Galeeren. Die Graphiken Rotas stellen einen besonders vertvollen Teil der umfangreichen Flugblätterproduktion zu diesem Thema in Venedig dar, denn sie sind das Werk eines soliden und sicheren Zeichners. Auf ihnen, insbesondere auf den drei Allegorien, zeigt Rota seine, an der populären Flugblattproduktion gemessen, überdurchschnittliche Kraft der Erfindung und Imagination. Seinen Blättern ist neben der dokumentierenden, auch eine moralisierende Dimension immanent: sie feiern die göttliche Hilfe, die den Christen zum Sieg verholfen hat, ermahnen aber auf eitere Einigkeit bei den christlichen Verbündeten. Gleichzeitig wird auf ihnen die täuflische Verderbtheit des Feindes angeprangert.
Nach sieben Jahrzehnten Sowjetunion sind die Russen in vielen ihrer Essgewohnheiten wieder zu den Traditionen der vorrevolutionären Zeit zurückgekehrt. Die Esskultur, die private wie die der Restaurants, hat wieder einen hohen Stellenwert, Kochbücher und Ratgeber in Fernsehen und Internet haben Konjunktur. Die wissenschaftliche Erforschung dieser Sparte der Kultur hält mit dieser Entwicklung nicht Schritt. Im Frühjahr 2010 fand an der Universität Potsdam die erste internationale und interdisziplinäre Tagung zum Thema "Russische Küche und kulturelle Identität" statt. Der vorliegende Sammelband enthält viele der dort vorgestellten Beiträge in Aufsatzform. Es sind kultur- und literaturwissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zu Essen und Trinken in Russland. Untersucht werden nicht nur die Bedeutung einzelner Speisen und Zubereitungsarten und die Mahlzeit als soziales Geschehen, sondern auch der Verzicht auf Nahrung, sei es freiwillig als Fasten, sei es erzwungen als Hunger. Eine andere Gruppe von Beiträgen geht der Rolle des Essens als literarischem Motiv nach, eine weitere bildlichen Darstellungen. Auch das Trinken wird bedacht. In der Kultur durchweg klar kodiert, eignen sich Essen und Trinken ganz besonders als literarische Zeichen, die in den Werken unterschiedlichste Funktionen übernehmen können. Als Ganzes eröffnen die Beiträge erste Durchblicke in ein großes und bislang oft vernachlässigtes Forschungsgebiet.
Iako ne jedini, Danilo Pejović pokazao je kako je bilo moguće misliti drugačije, otvarati perspektive, otvarati se budućem, izlazeći iz marksističke kabanice kojom smo gotovo svi bili zaogrnuti. U svojoj osobi utjelovio je izvorni filozofski etos i golemu erudiciju. Snaga njegova mišljenja očituje se u istančanoj analizi predmeta. Očit je njegov literarni talent kojim se nadaje kao virtuoz i umjetnik riječi, mjestimice poetičnoga stila. Pejović s lakoćom govori o najtežim temama filozofije. Svagda piše jasno, poučno i entuzijastično odmjerenim, probranim i profinjenim izričajem, po čemu nadilazi sve naše filozofske pisce. To iščitavamo već u naslovima njegovih knjiga, studija, eseja i članaka koji govore dubinom svoga smisla, sabirući u sebi smisao čitavoga teksta. Pejović dokazuje kako se moglo evoluirati ususret nadolazećem, novom i drugačijem. Naravno, to novo i drugačije nije samim time već tu, ali za otvaranje novih obzorja trebamo ići protiv struje. Opus Danila Pejovića treba uzeti kao smjerokaz koji nas upućuje da se zdušno pozabavimo sami sobom, da pred sobom položimo račun sami sebi o tome kako je s nama bilo, kako jest i kako treba biti. Njegovo promišljanje teme hrvatske nacionalne sudbine, viđeno kroz promišljanje hrvatske baštine, kulture, povijesti, društva i politike, iznijelo je na zavidnoj misaonoj razini angažiranog filozofa s kojim se kod nas malo tko može usporediti. Upravo mu danas za to dugujemo zahvalnost i služi mu na čast kako je pristupio tom tematskom krugu. Nama su ta njegova razmišljanja nezaobilazna i obvezujuća. Mislimo da je upravo sada pravi trenutak za iščitavanje njegova opusa u cjelini, a ovog aspekta osobito. Ovim kratkim osvrtom htjeli smo tek ukazati na njegov doprinos našoj filozofiji i kulturi. Pejović svakako ostaje iznimno aktualan i poticajan. Nadamo se da je ovim radom to dovoljno obrazloženo. Ako bi ovaj tekst potaknuo naše mlade filozofe i filozofkinje da prionu proučavati njegova djela, onda bi ovaj rad ispunio svoju svrhu. Neka do njih dopru njegove riječi, riječi učitelja mišljenja, da »mišljenje živi samo na taj način da ustraje u traganju i pitanju«. ; Pejović verkörpert in seiner Person das ursprüngliche philosophische Ethos und die Gelehrsamkeit. Die Stärke seines Denkens spiegelt sich in der verfeinerten Analyse des Themas wider. Sein literarisches Talent ist klar und er fühlt sich wie ein Virtuose und ein Künstler von Worten und Stil, der stellenweise poetisch ist. Er spricht leicht über die schwierigsten Themen der Philosophie. Er besitzt einen klaren, lehrreichen und enthusiastisch angemessenen, verfeinerten und raffinierten Ausdruck, der über alle unsere philosophischen Autoren hinausgeht. Dies wird bereits in den Titeln seiner Bücher, Studien, Aufsätze und Artikel sichtbar, die die Tiefe seiner Bedeutung angeben, und als würde die Bedeutung des gesamten Textes in ihnen selbst liegen. Obwohl nicht der Einzige, zeigte Pejović, dass es möglich war, anders zu denken, neue Perspektiven zu öffnen, sich der Zukunft zu öffnen, indem man aus dem marxistischen Regenmantel herauskommt, in den wir fast alle gehüllt waren. Professor Pejović demonstriert, wie sich die Evolution entwickeln kann, um auf Kommendes, Neues und Andersartiges zu treffen. Natürlich ist das Neue und Andersartige allein dadurch nicht schon hier, aber um neue Horizonte zu eröffnen, müssen wir gegen die Strömung vorgehen. Das Opus von Professor Pejović sollte als eine Richtung verstanden werden, die uns auffordert, mit uns selbst umzugehen, uns vorzustellen, wie es mit uns war, wie es ist und wie es sein sollte. Seine Reflexion über das Thema des kroatischen Nationalschicksals, betrachtet durch die Reflexion über unser Erbe, unsere Kultur, unsere Geschichte und unsere Gesellschaft und Politik, hat der Fromme auf einer beneidenswerten Denkstufe eines engagierten Philosophen geschaffen, mit dem bei uns wenige zu vergleichen sind. Genau heute verdanken wir es ihm und geben ihm die Ehre, sich diesem thematischen Kreis geöffnet zu haben. Seine Gedanken sind für uns unvermeidlich und verbindlich. Wir denken, dass gerade jetzt der richtige Moment ist, um sein Werk im Allgemeinen und diesen Aspekt im Besonderen zu lesen. Mit diesem kurzen Überblick möchten wir nur auf seinen Beitrag zu unserer Philosophie und Kultur hinweisen. Er bleibt extrem aktuell und anregend. Wir hoffen, dass diese Arbeit dies ausreichend begründet hat. Wenn dieser Text unsere jungen Philosophen und Philosophinnen dazu anregt, seine Werke zu studieren, dann würde diese Arbeit seinen Zweck erfüllen. Mögen seine Worte sie erreichen, die Worte des Denklehrers, laut denen das "Denken nur auf jene Weise lebt, indem es in der Suche und in der Frage bestehen bleibt".
Frontmatter -- Preface -- Contents -- List of Figures -- Tabula Gratulatoria -- Vasileios Petrakos: A Life Dedicated to the Service of Greek Archaeology -- Part I: Epigraphy and Ancient History -- Thucydides, Historical Geography and the 'Lost Years' of Perdikkas II -- Athens, Samothrace, and the Mysteria of the Samothracian Great Gods -- De quelques épitaphes d'étrangers et d'étrangères au Musée d'Érétrie -- Φυτωνυμικά τοπωνύμια Κωμών της Αργολίδος -- Le recours à l'arbitrage privé dans les actes d'affranchissement delphiques -- Προξενικό ψήφισμα από την Αιτωλία -- Women's Religion in Hellenistic Athens -- Notes on Athenian Decrees in the Later Hellenistic Period -- "Those Who Jointly Built the City" -- Part II: Archaeology -- Attica and the Origins of Silver Metallurgy in the Aegean and the Carpatho-Balkan Zone -- Cultural Variation in Mycenaean Attica. A Mesoregional Approach -- Mythical and Historical Heroic Founders: The Archaeological Evidence -- Das Volutenkapitell aus Sykaminos -- Dionysos Lenaios at Rhamnous. Lenaia ἐν ἀγροῖς and the "Lenaia vases" -- Philoktet in Attika -- Part III: History of Greek Archaeology -- Peiraieus in 1805 -- Karl Otfried Müller in Marathon, Rhamnus und Oropos -- Spyridon Marinatos and Carl Blegen at Pylos: A Happy Collaboration -- Vassilis Petrakos et les fouilles suisses d'Érétrie -- List of Contributors -- Index of Epigraphical Texts -- Index Locorum -- Index of Mythological Names -- Index of Geographic Names (Place Names, Ethnic and Demotic Adjectives) -- Index of Ancient Personal Names -- Index Rerum -- Index of Modern Personal Names
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Es handelt sich um die erste zusammenhängende Ausgabe mit Kommentar des Kalenderhandbuches, das mit seinen Texten eine wichtige Quelle zur Geschichte, Verwaltung und zu den religiösen Mentalitäten in der Stadt Rom im 4. Jahrhundert n.Chr. darstellt. ; The first coherent and handy edition with commentaries of one oft he most important sources for history, administration and religious mentalities of the city of Rome in the 4th century A.D. ; The collection of pictures, lists and short notes, known as the "Chronography of 354" or the "Calendar of Filocalus" is a calendar handbook for the year 354 C.E. Of the thirteen texts, four are Christian documents; the remaining are witnesses of Roman administration and provide no clue for Christianity, or at times even attestations to the Roman religiosity of the Republic and the Imperial Time. The handbook contents can be distinguished by whether it has pictures or just text. Given the complexity of the present form of its constituents, the calendar handbook is an important source for the politic administrative history of the late-Constantine time, for the history of the transformation of religious mentalities, and for the success of the story of Christianity in the city of Rome. The following texts are especially noteworthy: (1) The consular fasti from the beginning of the consulate up to the year 354 CE, for the Roman History and the families that dominated it; (2) the yearly calendar for those festivals celebrated in late-Constantine time with their political and religio-historical dimension, which influenced the history of everyday life of the city; (3) the Catalogus Liberianus, the oldest Roman book of the popes, which together with the lists of the Deposito episcoporum and the Deposito martyrum, the oldest feriale of any Christian Church, is important for the Church of Rome and its conception of history. Notwithstanding a century-long history of editions and commentaries of the calendar handbook, there is up to the present no connected edition and commentary of the pertinent texts, only critical editions of individual parts. This is related to the complex tradition process and the preserved late manuscripts of the 16th and the 17th Century. This poses a range of problems, which this edition and its commentaries tackle: (a) what all was part of the original calendar (b) when did the different texts and their redactions, which lead to the expansions, come into being (c) the perennial research problem of the relationship between the traditional Roman religion and Christianity, for which the texts of the chronographs provide crucial evidence (d) the position of the calendar handbook in the history of book illustration in Late Antiquity. Furthermore, since Mommsen's classical edition, a host of individual problems have been identified, which affect very different scientific endeavours, ranging from the studies of classical antiquities to theology and from cultural sciences to astronomy. Vol. I.: lntroduction with the history of research and the manuscript tradition, Frontispice, Dedicatio, Imagines imperatorum, Natales Caesarum, the week of the planets, the months.
Es handelt sich um die erste zusammenhängende Ausgabe mit Kommentar des Kalenderhandbuches, das mit seinen Texten eine wichtige Quelle zur Geschichte, Verwaltung und zu den religiösen Mentalitäten in der Stadt Rom im 4. Jahrhundert n.Chr. darstellt. ; The first coherent and handy edition with commentaries of one oft he most important sources for history, administration and religious mentalities of the city of Rome in the 4th century A.D. ; The collection of pictures, lists and short notes, known as the "Chronography of 354" or the "Calendar of Filocalus" is a calendar handbook for the year 354 C.E. Of the thirteen texts, four are Christian documents; the remaining are witnesses of Roman administration and provide no clue for Christianity, or at times even attestations to the Roman religiosity of the Republic and the Imperial Time. The handbook contents can be distinguished by whether it has pictures or just text. Given the complexity of the present form of its constituents, the calendar handbook is an important source for the politic administrative history of the late-Constantine time, for the history of the transformation of religious mentalities, and for the success of the story of Christianity in the city of Rome. The following texts are especially noteworthy: (1) The consular fasti from the beginning of the consulate up to the year 354 CE, for the Roman History and the families that dominated it; (2) the yearly calendar for those festivals celebrated in late-Constantine time with their political and religio-historical dimension, which influenced the history of everyday life of the city; (3) the Catalogus Liberianus, the oldest Roman book of the popes, which together with the lists of the Deposito episcoporum and the Deposito martyrum, the oldest feriale of any Christian Church, is important for the Church of Rome and its conception of history. Notwithstanding a century-long history of editions and commentaries of the calendar handbook, there is up to the present no connected edition and commentary of the pertinent texts, only critical editions of individual parts. This is related to the complex tradition process and the preserved late manuscripts of the 16th and the 17th century. This poses a range of problems, which this edition and its commentaries tackle: (a) what all was part of the original calendar (b) when did the different texts and their redactions, which lead to the expansions, come into being (c) the perennial research problem of the relationship between the traditional Roman religion and Christianity, for which the texts of the chronographs provide crucial evidence (d) the position of the calendar handbook in the history of book illustration in LateAntiquity. Furthermore, since Mommsen's classical edition, a host of individual problems have been identified, which affect very different scientific endeavours, ranging from the studies of classical antiquities to theology and from cultural sciences to astronomy. Vol. 2: Fasti Consulares, Praefecti urbis Romae 254 - 354 A.D., Cpomputus Paschalis, Depositio martyrum, Depositio Episcoporum, Catalogus Liberianus
Na temelju Sabranih djela I–III (1997) Bonifaca Badrova (Livno, 1896. – Sarajevo, 1974), franjevca i profesora filozofije na Franjevačkoj teologiji u Sarajevu, u radu se obrađuje njegov pristup renesansnoj filozofiji i hrvatskim renesansnim misliocima. Badrov je u trećem dijelu svoje Povijesti filozofije (Sarajevo, 1959), koju je namijenio studentima za internu uporabu, uključio i neveliko poglavlje o renesansnoj filozofiji (1450–1600). On nalazi da su specifična filozofska i društvena strujanja na početku Novog vijeka iznjedrila nove, međusobno sasvim disparatne, renesansne filozofske sustave sa samo jednim zajedničkim obilježjem: odbacivanje tomističke filozofije. Prema Badrovu renesansna filozofija ima četiri glavne sastavnice: 1. obnova starih sustava: neoplatonizam, neostoicizam i hedonizam, 2. filozofija prirode, 3. politička filozofija i 4. skepticizam. Badrov hrvatske renesansne mislioce ubraja isključivo u prvu skupinu, dakle među pojedince koji su nastojali obnoviti stare filozofske sustave, i opet – isključivo među one mislioce koji se oslanjanju na Platonovu filozofiju. On smatra da je renesansni platonizam u svojoj bîti zapravo »eklektički neoplatonizam«. Na tragu spoznaje da je antički novoplatonizam eklektički zato što iz Platonovih, ali i drugih teorija probire, prihvaća i primjenjuje ono što mu se čini najprikladnije, gornju Badrovljevu tvrdnju treba razumjeti u smislu da se renesansni platonizam eklektički odnosi prema Platonovim djelima, ali i misaonim dostignućima antičkog novoplatonizma. Ipak, čini se da Badrov ne propituje detaljno izvore i izvornost renesansnog platonizma. Badrov se pojedinačno bavi trima hrvatskim filozofima: Jurjem Dragišićem, Benediktom Benkovićem i Franom Petrićem. Dodatno, o Dragišiću ističe da se bavio logičkim problemima, a da se Benković u pristupu Škotovim djelima koristio Aristotelovim logičkim aparatom. Pišući o Petriću Badrov citira Filipovića koji, pozivajući se na Überwegov Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophie, tvrdi da je Petrić preteča i učitelj Giordana Bruna te da je utjecao na Bernardina Telesija. U kasnijim izdanjima Überwega naprotiv nalazimo da Brunov odnos prema suvremenicima nije dovoljno jasan i da se Petrić naslanja na Telesija u nekim svojim stavovima. Nadalje, Badrov o Petriću tvrdi da pobija Aristotelovu filozofiju i drži platonizam bližim kršćanskoj misli te u osnovnim potezima iznosi Petrićev nauk o svjetlu: ono je nematerijalna supstancija, samoegzistentno i sveprisutno, prvotni uzrok i princip svih stvari. Dalje, zbog stava o prostoru kao onom koji je postojao prije svijeta, neovisno o stvarima, Badrov Petrića smješta među mislioce koji imaju ultrarealističko mišljenje o prostoru. Načelno, takvi mislioci prostor poimaju kao neku apsolutnu i beskonačnu realnost, različitu od svih drugih tjelesnih realnosti, a za Petrića on je čak počelo, prvo od njegovih četiriju počela tvarnoga svijeta. Pri izradi svojih najopsežnijih skripata Povijest filozofije Badrov se, kako dokumentira njegov popis literature, oslonio na 17 djela iz povijesti filozofije tiskanih u 20. stoljeću, a u prikazu o hrvatskim renesansnim misliocima u mnogome na Filipovićevu Filozofiju Renesanse (1956). S obzirom na kratko izvješće o Petriću, nije utvrđen utjecaj Bazaline Povijesti filozofije, a Šanc u drugom dijelu svoje Povijesti filozofije hrvatske renesansne filozofe ionako ne spominje. ; Based on Sabrana djela [Collected Works] I–III (1997) of Franciscan Bonifac Badrov (Livno, 1896 – Sarajevo, 1974), professor of philosophy at Franciscan Theology in Sarajevo, the paper examines his approach to Renaissance philosophy and Croatian thinkers of this period. In the third part of Badrov's Povijest filozofije [History of Philosophy] (1959), which he wrote for the students' internal use, he also included a small chapter on Renaissance philosophy (1450–1600). He finds that specific philosophical and social mainstreams of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries gave way to new, mutually disparate Renaissance philosophical systems sharing a single common feature: rejection of Thomistic philosophy. According to Badrov, Renaissance philosophy has four main components: 1. revival of old systems: Neoplatonism, Neostoicism and hedonism; 2. natural philosophy; 3. political philosophy; 4. Renaissance scepticism. Croatian thinkers of the Renaissance, Badrov holds, fall exclusively within the first group, that is, among those who worked on the revival of old philosophical systems, or more precisely, among the philosophers who leaned on Plato's philosophy only. In its essence, he views Renaissance Platonism as eclectic Neoplatonism. Grounded on the understanding that Neoplatonism of the Antiquity was eclectic because from the theories of Plato and others it selected, accepted and applied what it considered to be most appropriate, Badrov's statement should be understood in the sense that Renaissance Platonism had an eclectic approach to Plato's works, but also to philosophical achievements of the classical Neoplatonism. However, it seems that Badrov's analysis of the sources and originality of the Renaissance Platonism lacks depth. The philosophers that Badrov treats individually are Juraj Dragišić, Benedikt Benković and Frane Petrić. In addition, he emphasizes that Dragišić devoted himself to logical problems, and that Benković in his approach to Duns Scotus' works used Aristotle's logical apparatus. While writing on Petrić, Badrov paraphrases Filipović's Filozofija Renesanse [Renaissance Philosophy] (1956): »Überweg considers Petrić to be the forerunner and teacher of Giordano Bruno. He also influenced another Renaissance philosopher, Bernardino Telesio.« In the later editions of Überweg's Geschichte der Philosophy, by contrast, we find that Bruno's relationship to Petrić lacks clarity and that Petrić leans on Telesio in some of his views. Badrov states that Petrić refutes Aristotle's philosophy and holds Platonism to be closer to Christian thought. The Sarajevo professor outlines Petrić's doctrine on light. Further, on account of Petrić's view of space as that which exists before the world, regardless of all things, Badrov places the philosopher of Cres among the thinkers who share an ultrarealistic view of space. Mainly, these philosophers understand space as some kind of an absolute and infinite reality, different from all other bodily realities, while for Petrić it is even a principle, the first of his four principles of the material world. While preparing his most extensive manual Povijest filozofije, Badrov, as documented in his bibliography, drew from 17 works of the history of philosophy: three Zagreb editions (Albert Bazala, Franjo Šanc and Vladimir Dvorniković), five Belgrade editions (Borislav Lorenc, Branislav Petronijević, Dragan Jeremić and Bertrand Russell), six German and three French. All these books were published in the course of the twentieth century. Being too short and general, Badrov's outline of Petrić offers sparse information for the establishment of any connection with Bazala's statements on Petrić published in the second volume of Bazala's Povjest filozofije [History of Philosophy] (1909). Šanc, however, in the second part of his Povijest filozofije [History of Philosophy] makes no reference to Croatian philosophers of the Renaissance.
Radom se nastoji uspostaviti veza između Kantove etike i etike sporta povezivanjem koncepcije anthropocena, kao suvremene epohe tijekom koje prirodna povijest postaje kulturnom povijesti, s etikom nade, kako je predstavljena u Kantovoj Kritici rasudne snage. Ključan je moment Kantova argumenta da je biranje kulture ispravan put ljudskog razvitka prema civilnom društvu i kozmopolitskom jedinstvu. Je li sport takva kultura? Može li sport postati važan moment u suvremenoj etici nade? Odgovor je uvjetno pozitivan jer postoje određene prepreke. Prvo, jedan je od razloga za to inauguriranje olimpijskog sporta u svrhe održavanja ravnoteže u društvenim sukobima. Da je takvo što ostvarivo sugerira nam da bi hijerarhijski poredak izvrsnosti u sportskom natjecanju osnažio društvenu hijerarhiju. Drugo, sport je jedna od najpopularnijih i najprofitabilnijih globalnih zabava, no njime upravlja aristokratska elita s iznimnim potencijalom za zloupotrebu moći. Treće, globalni organizatori sporta imaju mnogo političke moći skrivene iza olimpijske mantre o isključivanju politike iz sporta. ; The paper aims to establish a link between Kant's ethics and the ethics of sport by connecting the concept of Anthropocene as the contemporary epoch during which natural history is becoming cultural history and the ethics of hope as presented in Kant's The Critique of Judgement. The crucial moment in Kant's argument is that choosing culture is the proper way of human progress towards civil society and cosmopolitan unity. Is sport this kind of culture? Can sport become an important moment in the contemporary ethics of hope? The answer is conditionally positive because there are obstacles present. Firstly, one of the reasons is that the modern Olympic sport was inaugurated to keep social conflicts in balance. That this purpose can be achieved suggests that the hierarchical order of excellence involved with sport competition should strengthen social hierarchies. Secondly, sport is one of the most popular and most profitable global entertainments, but it is governed by aristocratic elites with the enormous potential for the abuse of power. Thirdly, global sports organisations have a lot of political power hidden behind the Olympic mantra of the exclusion of politics from the sport. ; Cet article tente d'établir un lien entre l'éthique kantienne et l'éthique du sport à travers le concept d'Anthropocène, en tant qu'époque contemporaine au sein de laquelle l'histoire naturelle devient l'histoire culturelle, mais également à travers l'éthique de l'espoir, telle qu'elle est présentée dans la Critique de la faculté de juger de Kant. Le moment charnière de l'argumentation kantienne pose que la culture est le chemin de l'évolution humaine qui mène à la société civile et à l'unité cosmopolitique. Le sport est-il une culture de la sorte ? Le sport peut-il devenir un moment important au sein de l'éthique contemporaine de l'espoir ? La réponse est positive sous réserve d'un ensemble de conditions puisqu'il existe un certain nombre d'obstacles : premièrement, le sport olympique a été inauguré dans le but de maintenir les conflits sociaux en équilibre. Pour qu'un tel projet se réalise, cela suggère que l'ordre hiérarchique d'excellence dans la compétition sportive pourrait renforcer la hiérarchie sociale ; deuxièmement, bien qu'il soit régi par une élite aristocratique qui détient en son sein un énorme potentiel d'abus de pouvoir, le sport est l'un des divertissements mondiaux les plus populaires et profitables ; troisiè- mement, les organisations mondiales du sport possèdent un pouvoir politique qui se dissimule derrière les slogans olympiques qui revendiquent l'exclusion du politique dans le sport. ; Das Paper zielt darauf ab, eine Verbindung zwischen Kants Ethik und der Ethik des Sports herzustellen, indem es die Konzeption des Anthropozäns als zeitgenössische Epoche, während welcher Naturgeschichte zur kulturellen Geschichte wird, und die Ethik der Hoffnung, wie sie in Kants Kritik der Urteilskraft dargestellt wird, miteinander verknüpft. Das entscheidende Moment in Kants Argumentation ist, dass die Wahl der Kultur der richtige Weg des menschlichen Fortschritts zur Zivilgesellschaft und zur kosmopolitischen Einheit ist. Ist Sport eine solche Kultur? Kann Sport zu einem wichtigen Moment in der zeitgenössischen Ethik der Hoffnung werden? Die Antwort ist lediglich unter Vorbehalt positiv, da Hindernisse vorhanden sind. Erstens ist einer der Gründe dafür, dass der moderne olympische Sport ins Leben gerufen wurde, um soziale Konflikte im Gleichgewicht zu halten. Dass dieser Zweck erreicht werden kann, legt nahe, dass die hierarchische Reihenfolge der Spitzenleistungen im Sportwettbewerb die sozialen Hierarchien stärken würde. Zweitens ist Sport eine der beliebtesten und profitabelsten Unterhaltungsformen der Welt, die allerdings von aristokratischen Eliten mit einem enormen Potenzial für Machtmissbrauch beherrscht wird. Drittens haben globale Sportorganisationen hinter dem olympischen Mantra des Ausschlusses der Politik aus dem Sport reichlich politische Macht verborgen.
