Suchergebnisse

The aspects regarding the territorial delimitation of Cahul County are briefly examined. A new territorial circumscription was introduced in Romania, under the Administrative Law from 1938 – the land that included some counties. The Cahul County was a part of Lower Danube Land. There are analyzed the ways of the territorial delimitation accomplishment of Cahul County as the component part of the Lower Danube Land. The two archival documents which are relevant for the studied topic are presented in Appendix.

In February 1938, a monarchical regime was established in Romania. In order to strengthen the power of the monarch and his discretionary control over the administration, a new administrative law was drafted. Administrative law no. 2919, published in the Official Monitor no. 187 from August 14, 1938 grouped the 71 counties of Romania into 10 regions. The region was a territorial circumscription, endowed with legal personality.
According to the Administrative law from August 14, 1938, the county became a simple district of control and deconcentration of the central administration, losing its legal personality. The prefect was authorized to exercise the control of the local administration in the urban and rural communes of the county. One form of the control over the work of local authorities was their regular inspection. In April 1940, the prefect of the Cahul County, colonel Dumitru Dobrescu, inspected the county communes, clarifying various aspects of the activities of local administrations. The results of these inspections make it possible to create a true picture of the realities of the Bessarabian villages to months before the territorial abduction in June 1940.

In February 1938, a monarchical regime was established in Romania.
In order to strengthen the power of the monarch and his discretionary control over the
administration, a new administrative law was drafted. Administrative law no. 2919,
published in the Official Monitor no. 187 from August 14, 1938, grouped the 71 counties
of Romania into 10 regions. The region was a territorial circumscription, endowed with
legal personality.
According to the Administrative law from August 14, 1938, the county became
a simple district of control and deconcentration of the central administration, losing its
legal personality. The prefect was authorized to exercise the control of the local
administration in the urban and rural communes of the county. One form the control
over the work of local authorities was their regular inspection. In April 1940, the prefect
of the Cahul County, colonel Dumitru Dobrescu, inspected the county communes,
clarifying various aspects of the activities of local administrations. The results of these
inspections make it possible to create a true picture of the realities of the Bessarabian
villages to months before the territorial abduction in June 1940.

Grigore N. Filipescu, engineer and lawyer, was a controversial and inconstant politician in Interwar Romania. He had passed through many political parties until 1929, when he founded his
own political organization. He was also involved in other areas, being the president of the Romanian Telephone Company, conducting the construction of the Câmpina-Constanţa oil
pipeline and organizing the first international fencing contests in Romania.

The article describes the first elections organized in the Romanian Principalities
based on the Regulamente Organice (a Romanian proto-constitution), namely the
legislative elections for the so-called Adunări Ordinare Obşteşti (Ordinary Public
Assemblies), but also the election of Gheorghe Bibescu as head of state by the
so-called Neobicinuita Obştească Adunare (Extraordinary Public Assembly) in
1842. The article analyzes the genesis of the legal provisions under Russian influence,
but also the vote itself. The author reaches the conclusion that modernization
begins before the 1848 revolution.

This study depicts the biography of a young communist (Ion Călin) who volunteered for the International Brigades in Spain, and thus it features – within the historiography of the topic – the destinies of the antifascist Romanian combatants. Since the vast majority of these combatants was composed of members and supporters of PCdR, the regime of popular democracy honored and glorified them after March 6, 1945, in the same vein as those Communist inlanders who were repressed by the "bourgeois regime". The Romanian Communists who fought in the French Resistance received a similar treatment. After 1989, the names of the Romanian volunteers who had joined the cause of the Spanish Republicans went in the shadow due to their political affiliation to a party utterly compromised in the eye of the public. This study also deals with a broader context, including international politics, the reasons behind such an enthusiasm binding young people to go abroad to a front at over 2.000 km, the social strata they derived from, PCdR's efforts to organize and send combatants across the borders, Ion Călin's clandestine journey to the Iberian peninsula (via Czechoslovakia, Austria, Switzerland and France), as well as details of the fights of which he was a part of during the war.

In the interwar Romanian democracy, the main actor in this political mechanism around which the electoral system and the political parties were rounding was the King. He was designating a party in order to form the government, and afterwards the elections organized by the cabinet were inevitably won by the political party in power. As no party was designated one after another to rule the government, the sequence in power was simply and efficiently ensured. Winning the elections for each party in power was closed related to the voters dedicated to the government, meaning those who were giving their votes to the leading power. And this way, the interwar electoral puzzle was completed. The cohort of voters willing to vote for the government was influenced by many indicators such as cultural (literate) and economic ones, so that the electoral behavior differences between regions like Oltenia and Banat were significant, taking into consideration the economic gaps. Therefore, the electoral comparison between Romania and Dobrudja in the interwar period makes sense.

The article surveys the various stances taken in interwar Romania towards the contemporary international - particularly French - trends of legal and political theory meant at counteracting the shortcomings manifested by the legislative patterns of Napoleonic provenance when confronted with the exigencies of expanding associational life and the need of growing state intervention in the sphere of the relations between economic factors. The crisscrossing visions of federalist syndicalism and, respectively, juridical socialism - exposed most conspicuously by the legal philosophers Léon Duguit and Emmanuel Lévy - are shown to receive various evaluations in the local milieu, from the part of authors connected with the leading journal of the Romanian Social Institute and otherwise (and always by reference to the predicament of social reform in the national space). It is highlighted that the impact of the ideas involved in the debate was broader and more diffuse than one could assume when taking into consideration only the outspoken - and partly obsolete - objectives and premises of the argumentations in question.

The article offers a brief overview of the administrative-territorial organization and reorganization in the former county of Arad. Old medieval boundaries have known significant changes after the installation of Habsburg rule. Political, social and military reasons determined the imperial authorities to make several reorganizations of the area. Institutions were designed to ensure proper functioning of the county, but also contributed to the upgrade of the administrative structures on the Enlightenment spirit.

The study catches a glimpse of the different faces of "communist death", imagined as "assumed death", "egalitarian death", or exemplary (i.e., heroic) death. In fact, this was really the death of individuality. The goal of this study was achieved through transdisciplinary methodologies, which involve the specific tools of social investigation, interconnected disciplines (see political history, political, cultural and funerary anthropology, social psychology, art and architecture history), through convergent usage of historical sources specific to recent history (official documents, newspapers of the Stalinist period, memory literature, ethnographic sources, funerary inscriptions, interviews). The aim is to present the operations involved in the ideologization of death, a process demanded by "the hunger for legitimacy" of the communist system.

The paper shows that Jewish memory and Israeli memory are two distinct and sometimes even opposite, intellectual constructs. In order to assess this statement, we chose one specific topic: the birth of the evenimential perception in Jewish eyes, a phenomenon linked to the Zionist thought. A real intellectual revolution were achieved in the 19th and 20th centuries, which returns up side down the antique, medieval, and even early modern paradigms of Jewish time perception. It is precisely this reversal that led to the political activism and the foundation of state of Israel.

This study consists in an analysis of the modern Romanian conservatism's evolution. Starting with the semantic definition of the term "conservative", the author sketches the circumstances of its use in the Romanian political language in the middle of the 19thcentury and later in political practice. The author highlights that in the 50's and the 60's decades of the 19th century there was a great interest in a precise definition of the term in the political vocabulary. It was the time when "conservative" together with its antonym "liberal" were two political terms just entering the political language. Also in Romania, the conservatism defined its identity from the ideas of natural progress, organic evolution, order and legality in the spirit of the ideas of E. Burke, already common in the political imagology of the European conservatism. At the beginning of the 20th century Romanian conservatives continued to use the specific vocabulary and ideas of the former century, trying to unveil the consequences of the forced modernisation of the country, so that later, after the First World War, to disappear as a party from the political stage; conservative doctrine persisted in a fragmentary form in the interwar period.