Suchergebnisse

INHALT -- Robert Maier: Akustisches Gedächtnis und Geschichtsb ewusstsein -- Susanne Krauß: Der Klang der Geschichte -- Ulrich Schnakenberg: Die Epoche des Kalten Krieges im Musikvideo -- GESCHICHTE VOR ORT: Auf den Spuren des Ersten Weltkriegs in Flandern und Nordfrankreich -- FORUM: Wolfgang Geiger: Im Nachhinein weiß man es immer besser -- VGD: Nachruf Gunnar Möhring -- VGD: Erklärung von Hannover -- VGD: Berichte aus Bundesverband und Landesverbänden -- LEITREZENSION Ulrich Zimmermann: Wie viel Gewissheit braucht die Prähistorie? -- LEITREZENSION Joachim Radkau: Bilder vom Übermorgen

Die Debatten um die Anerkennung des Ovaherero- und Nama-Genozids in Namibia (1904-1908) haben in den letzten beiden Jahrzehnten wachsende öffentliche Aufmerksamkeit erhalten. Kaya de Wolff hat die deutschsprachige Presseberichterstattung in den Jahren 2001 bis 2016 zum Umgang mit dem kolonialen Völkermord untersucht. Sie zeigt, aufgrund welcher Anlässe und auf welche Weisen medial an die historischen Ereignisse erinnert wird, welche Stimmen dabei (nicht) gehört werden und welche gesellschaftlichen Machtverhältnisse und Normen den Anerkennungskampf der Ovaherero und Nama bedingen

Preface / Sarah Bay-Cheng -- Performance in the age of intelligent warfare: Introduction / Sara Brady, Lindsey Mantoan -- In the absence of the gun: performing militarization. Sites of conflict -- Katherine Zien: Mises-en-scène of militarization: decommissioning US military infrastructure in the Panama Canal Zone -- Alexis Bushnell, Justine Nakase: Military aid: the spatial performances and performativity of contemporary refugee camps -- Eylül Fidan Akinci: Sacred children, accursed mothers: performativities of necropolitics and mourning in neoliberal Turkey -- Elin Nicholson: The freedom theatre and cultural resistance in Jenin, Palestine -- Bart Pitchford: Tactical performance across a revolutionary timeline -- Militarized history and memory. Áine Sheil: How to do things with music criticism: performances of victory in German Wagner reception, 1918-33 -- Susanne Shawyer: "Stop the war in Chicago please": performative protest and the limits of dissensus -- Jessica Nakamura: Choreographies of militarized space: US military bases, everyday life, and performance in Okinawa, Japan -- Solveig Gade: Reviving the tradition of the battle painting: the militarization of Danish culture -- Performing the soldier. Tyler Boudreau: Soldier Street theatre -- Lindsey Mantoan: No easy mission: Bin Laden, exceptionalism, and gendered heroism in the post-heroic age -- Sarah Beck: Going outside the wire: service members as documentary subjects in Black Watch and Reentry -- Cami Rowe: Challenging the characterizations of military service: a critical comparison of British and American counter-recruitment efforts -- Michael St. Clair: Strategic simulation and the American military imaginary -- Scott Magelssen: Performing flight: test pilots, commercial airlines, and the Cold War -- The militarization of the everyday. Lindsay Livingston: Picking up the gun: spectacular performances of firearm ownership in the long civil rights movement -- Emily Klein: Failure, future tense: adaptation, affect, and apathy in American theatre's militarized dystopias -- Asher Warren: Weaponized bureaucracy: kill-chains, drones, and tethers -- Jacqueline Viskup: Re-staging surveillance tragedy as critical resistance -- Kashif Powell: The time to break (silence): disavowing the affects of militarization and death through the performance of Black existence -- Afterword. Wendy S. Hesford: Constitutive performance: human rights in a militarized culture

Afghanistan has been wrapped in insurgency since the Russian withdrawal in 1979, followed by civil war. The emergence of Taliban to power with their self-styled type of imposition of Islamic law compelled the great powers to interfere in the internal affairs of Afghanistan. September 2001 was a turning point in the history of Afghanistan as the NATO forces made their entry under the garb of security. The establishment of a democratic government in the country could not help in uprooting terrorism and insurgency from the country. Since the period of Russian Withdrawal, the country witnessed different eras of Taliban and the democratic governments coupled with the NATO mission. It is a fact that during the long stay of the presence of coalition forces in Afghanistan, insurgency could not be completely uprooted since new threats from different groups of insurgents have overpowered the country. Some of the provinces are hit hard by insurgency and terrorism. Efforts to hold peace talks were always dashed to the ground when the ISAF started its military operations against the terrorists.

Since inherited political resources may be inferior to personally accumulated resources, legacy candidates do best when facing mild competition, and shy away from intense competition. This is the first systematic empirical investigation of the extent of family politicians at both the national and local levels in Taiwan.

Candidates competing against a top fundraiser stand a much better chance if they are competing in a monetarily competitive race. Incumbents, who typically attract the most money, are more vulnerable in monetarily competitive elections. States with public financing programs clearly foster competition in gubernatorial races.

Afghanistan has been wrapped in insurgency since the Russian withdrawal in 1979, followed by civil war. The emergence of Taliban to power with their self-styled type of imposition of Islamic law compelled the great powers to interfere in the internal affairs of Afghanistan. September 2001 was a turning point in the history of Afghanistan as the NATO forces made their entry under the garb of security. The establishment of a democratic government in the country could not help in uprooting terrorism and insurgency from the country. Since the period of Russian Withdrawal, the country witnessed different eras of Taliban and the democratic governments coupled with the NATO mission. It is a fact that during the long stay of the presence of coalition forces in Afghanistan, insurgency could not be completely uprooted since new threats from different groups of insurgents have overpowered the country. Some of the provinces are hit hard by insurgency and terrorism. Efforts to hold peace talks were always dashed to the ground when the ISAF started its military operations against the terrorists.

Afghanistan has been wrapped in insurgency since the Russian withdrawal in 1979, followed by civil war. The emergence of Taliban to power with their self-styled type of imposition of Islamic law compelled the great powers to interfere in the internal affairs of Afghanistan. September 2001 was a turning point in the history of Afghanistan as the NATO forces made their entry under the garb of security. The establishment of a democratic government in the country could not help in uprooting terrorism and insurgency from the country. Since the period of Russian Withdrawal, the country witnessed different eras of Taliban and the democratic governments coupled with the NATO mission. It is a fact that during the long stay of the presence of coalition forces in Afghanistan, insurgency could not be completely uprooted since new threats from different groups of insurgents have overpowered the country. Some of the provinces are hit hard by insurgency and terrorism. Efforts to hold peace talks were always dashed to the ground when the ISAF started its military operations against the terrorists.

Die Debatten um die Anerkennung des Ovaherero- und Nama-Genozids (1904-1908) im heutigen Namibia haben in den letzten beiden Jahrzehnten wachsende öffentliche Aufmerksamkeit erhalten. Kaya de Wolff hat die deutschsprachige Presseberichterstattung in den Jahren 2001 bis 2016 über den Umgang mit den Verbrechen deutscher Kolonialtruppen untersucht. Sie zeigt, aufgrund welcher Anlässe und auf welche Weisen medial an die historischen Ereignisse erinnert wird, welche Stimmen dabei (nicht) gehört werden und welche gesellschaftlichen Machtverhältnisse und Normen den Anerkennungskampf der Nachfahrinnen und Nachfahren der Opfer bedingen.

Todesdrohung, Gewaltanwendung, sexueller Missbrauch: Mohamedou Slahis Geständnis wurde unter Folter erpresst. Er galt jahrelang als einer der Hauptverdächtigen der Anschläge vom 11. September. Doch obwohl ein Gericht bereits 2010 seine Freilassung angeordnet hatte, blieb er bis zum Oktober 2016 inhaftiert. Sein ergreifender Bericht ist die bisher einzige bekannte Chronik eines Guantanamo-Gefangenen, die in der Haft verfasst wurde. Ein schockierend authentischer Bericht, der erstmals in der von US-Behörden unzensierten Fassung vorliegt. Slahis Gefangenschaft dokumentiert fast ein ganzes Jahrzehnt des amerikanischen »Kriegs gegen den Terror«. Donald Rumsfeld – mit der Akte »Slahi« vertraut – autorisierte die Behörden, den mutmaßlichen Al-Qaida- Verschwörer intensiven Verhören zu unterziehen – und nahm dabei auch Folterungen in Kauf. Im Jahr 2005 begann Slahi, seine Geschichte niederzuschreiben, doch erst zehn Jahre später konnten seine Anwälte eine Veröffentlichung seiner Aufzeichnungen in zensierter Form erwirken. Nach seiner Freilassung 2016 füllte Slahi die geschwärzten Stellen seines emotionalen, stets um Fairness bemühten Berichts über Entführungen und Folter durch Geheimdienste und Militärs und verleiht so seinen Mitgefangenen und Peinigern ein glaubwürdiges Profil, das von Machtmissbrauch und Menschlichkeit erzählt.