Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Titelseiten -- Inhalt -- Angela Richter: Laudatio anlässlich der Verabschiedung von Frau Univ.-Prof. Dr. phil. Renate Hansen-Kokoruš -- Dijana Simić & -- Marizela Reithofer Bektić: Predgovor -- Ingeborg Jandl & -- Goran Lazičić: Transkulturalität und Geschlecht in süd- undostslawistischen Kontexten. Eine Einleitung -- Transkulturalität, Geschlecht und kulturelles Erbe -- Walter Kroll: Die Kiever Emblematik im Kulturtransfer des 18. Jahrhunderts. Am Beispiel des kirchenslavischen Emblembuchs Ifika ieropolitika -- Dagmar Burkhart: Genderspezifische Konstruktionen des Honor-Shame-Codes in literarischen Texten -- Marina Protrka Štimec: Govor i šutnja u Fortisovoj "Asan-aginici" Rod i žanr u transkulturalnoj recepciji balade -- Weiblichkeitsimaginationen in transkulturellen Kontexten -- Валерий А. Доманский: Тургенев - переводчик «немецких» альбомовПолины Виардо -- Ольга Б. Кафанова: «Тургеневская девушка». Движение к феминизму -- Наталья Е. Никонова: Итальянский текст периодики Сибири 1890-1910-х гг. -- Wolfgang Eismann: Feminismus, Sex und Gender bei Viktor Pelevin -- Komik, Geschlecht und Gesellschaftsanalyse -- Nenad Veličković: Socijalno i nacionalno u Jazavcu pred sudom Petra Kočića -- Дмитрий Д. Николаев: Трансформация «комизма нормы» в литературе русской эмиграции. Столкновение культурных идентичностей в произведениях Н.А. Тэффи 1920 г. -- Goran Lazičić: "Čudovišta u suknjama" i nove Antigone. Ženski likovi i rodne uloge kod Ranka Marinkovića -- Künstleridentität, Geschlecht und Gesellschaft -- Angela Richter: Umbruchssituationen aus weiblicher Sicht. Eine Re-Lektüre des Romans Kroz Ničiju Zemlju von Vera Obrenović-Delibašić -- Darko Lukić: Spatial and cultural migration, memory in exile. The example of Oliver Frljić.

The privatisation of electronic media in the Republic of Croatia, particularly that of the radio, has brought about a plethora of thematic changes in the content of broadcasts. Entering the market has turned many radio-programmes into "commodities"; that is why radio-stations increasingly need competent salesmen and not journalists. The survival on the market solely depends on the profits from commercials (advertising), and such programmes do not need journalists. Are commercial radio stations in the near future going to need journalists at all or only good entertainers? Who are the radio-stations' employees and editors? Are the people working on the radio soon to become redundant? The study on this topic was conducted in 1997 at 80 local Croatian radio-stations. (SOI : PM: S. 234)

Der Autor, katholischer Pfarrer des nordwestbosnischen Bergbauortes Ljubija, beschreibt auf Grund seiner persönlichen Erfahrungen die drei serbischen Konzentrationslager Keraterm, Omarska und Manjaca in Nordwest-Bosnien, d.h. im Gebiet der selbsternannten "Serbischen Republik Bosnien und Hercegovina". Er ist am 08.06.1992 in das Lager Keraterm entführt worden, dann in die Lager Omarska und Manjaca verlegt worden, und am 28.08.1992 aus letzterem mit schwersten Gesundheitsschäden entlassen worden. Die Lager wurden von den serbischen Machthabern zur "ethnischen Säuberung" des Gebietes errichtet; inhaftiert wurden Kroaten und Muslime beiderlei Geschlechts und jeden Alters. Die Grausamkeiten waren insbesondere im KZ von Omarska, einem Todeslager, unvorstellbar. Zugleich ist das Buch ein Bericht über die Behandlung der nichtserbischen Bevölkerung dieses Gebietes durch die serbischen Machthaber und deren Organe, sowie über deren nationalistisch-rassistische Ideologie und Motivation. Das Buch enthält eine Chronologie zur serbischen Machtübernahme und zur Durchführung der "ethnischen Säuberung" in diesem Gebiet. (SOI-Abr)

The article looks into the changes in the party and the social structure of the first House of the Croatian parliament (Sabor) in the transitional period. A total of twenty-six political parties have had seats in the Parliament; sixteen of them secured their place in it through a prior support of the electoral body, while ten of them secured their parliamentary status solely through individual lists. The author shows that the party fragmentation has occurred due to the process of parliamentary parties' factioning and the transfer of delegates from the parliamentary into the non-parliamentary parties. The degree of the party fragmentation in the Sabor is considered moderate and not disruptive for the functioning of the Parliament. This is due to the continued and stupendous mandate dominance of the majority party and to the fact that the party fragmentation has primarily involved the opposition parties. An analysis of the social/demographic characteristics of the representatives has shown that the Sabor is dominated by male, college-educated, forty-eight years old Croats with a bit more than four years of parliamentary experience. The educational structure of the Sabor does not differ much from other European parliaments, but the number of senior representatives is somewhat higher than in other European countries, while the share of women is the standards. It has been suggested that the most effective strategy the Croatian parliamentary political parties could employ regarding the gender and age representation are internally determined quotas for women and young people on their candidates' lists for elections. This would indirectly influence the social structure sof the Croatian parliament. (SOI : PM: S. 174)

The authors analyse the constitutional position of the Polish parliament after the democratic revolution of 1989 as well as its internal political dynamics. The parliament has two houses, endowed with different constitutional competences: Sejm (lower House) and Senate (upper House). The 460 members of the Sejm were elected in three electoral cycles (1989, 1991, and 1993) by means of majority and a proportional electoral system with various prohibitive clauses, while the 100 senators were elected by the majority electoral system. The changes in the electoral rules resulted in the altered parliamentary "contractual" Sejm. The seats (in accordance with a political agreement) were divided between the ruling communist bloc and the oppositional "Solidarity", the first freely elected Sejm had an extremely fragmented party structure with 28 parties, while the second Sejm is moderately pluralist, with two parties of the government coalition and four opposition parties. The most remarkable feature of the Polish political culture is an increasing professionalization of the parliament members as well as a growing political apathy of general public and a meagre turnout at the polls. (SOI : PM: S. 120)