Suchergebnisse

La economía, en tiempos de crisis, se ha convertido en una disciplina dominante. Su jerga, las ideas que encierran los conceptos básicos y la forma de presentarlos ante la ciudadanía ha hecho de esta ciencia social, una verdadera dogmatica moderna. Martín Seco ha hecho un ejercicio necesario para aclarar qué se esconde bajo un lenguaje técnico y en ocasiones neoliberal.'No cabe duda de que el lenguaje constituye una característica exclusiva y propia de la naturaleza humana; es más, podemos afirmar que el hombre solo se conforma como tal mediante la palabra.''Sigamos el consejo que Galbraith daba a los ciudadanos: La única actitud veraz consiste en exigir la explicación más completa y preguntarse si tal explicación resiste la prueba del sentido común. Si alguna vez un economista le pide a usted que acepte su punto de vista como si fuese el evangelio con el pretexto de que se basa en la erudición, no se crea una palabra.'

La crisi financera i econòmica mundial que viu el món globalitzat des de l'estiu de 2007 planteja la qüestió de si estem davant de la fi d'un cicle o de la fi d'un model, i posa en evidència la necessitat d'un profund debat d'idees. A banda de les causes immediates de la crisi, s'observen causes profundes que són, principalment, resultat d'un període de globalització econòmica neoliberal. Si l'efecte de la crisi als països del Nord és evident i palpable, el seu impacte als països menys desenvolupats és devastador, la revisió del Consens de Monterrey, encaminada a concretar el finançament per a l'assoliment dels Objectius de Desenvolupament del Mil·lenni, va quedar frustrada pel naixement del G20. L'abordatge polític de la crisi posa en qüestió els lideratges mundials. Si bé el G20 va voler monopolitzar el debat, finalment les Nacions Unides, de la mà del president de l'Assemblea General, el pare d'Escoto, va poder convocar la Conferència sobre la Crisi Financera i Econòmica i els seus Efectes Sobre el Desenvolupament (juny de 2009). Malgrat que els seus resultats són molt menors, i no s'hi van acordar moltes de les recomanacions del mateix president i de la Comissió Stiglitz, les conclusions de tot plegat apunten a una imprescindible reforma del sistema i de la governança de l'economia financera mundial. El "G192", es va posar, doncs, sobre la taula un model de governança democràtica mundial per abordar un crisi global d'impacte sobre la ciutadania mundial. The financial and economic crisis that has been rocking the globalised world since the summer of 2007 raises the question of whether we are looking at the end of a cycle or the end of a model and highlights the need for a thorough debate of ideas. In addition to the immediate causes of the crisis (such as the bursting of the housing bubble and the toxicity of the financial markets), several deep-rooted causes can be found, most resulting from a period of neo-liberal economic globalisation. Whilst the crisis has had a clear and tangible impact on the countries of the North, it has been calamitous for less developed countries. The damage is compounded by the fact that the review of the Monterrey Consensus, intended to find the necessary financing to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, was thwarted by the emergence of the G20. The political hijacking of the crisis casts doubt on global leadership. Although the G20 monopolised the debate, in the end, the United Nations (UN), under the leadership of the president of the General Assembly, Father Miguel d'Escoto, managed to convene the Conference on the World Financial and Economic Crisis and Its Impact on Development (June 2009). Despite the conference's modest results and the fact that no agreement was reached on many of the recommendations made by the president or the 'Stiglitz Commission', the conclusions as a whole point towards a crucial need to reform the system and governance bodies of the global financial economy. To this end, within the context of the UN, or 'G192', a model of global democratic governance was tabled to address a global crisis with an impact on global citizens ; Postprint (published version)

La crisi financera i econòmica mundial que viu el món globalitzat des de l'estiu de 2007 planteja la qüestió de si estem davant de la fi d'un cicle o de la fi d'un model, i posa en evidència la necessitat d'un profund debat d'idees. A banda de les causes immediates de la crisi, s'observen causes profundes que són, principalment, resultat d'un període de globalització econòmica neoliberal. Si l'efecte de la crisi als països del Nord és evident i palpable, el seu impacte als països menys desenvolupats és devastador, la revisió del Consens de Monterrey, encaminada a concretar el finançament per a l'assoliment dels Objectius de Desenvolupament del Mil·lenni, va quedar frustrada pel naixement del G20. L'abordatge polític de la crisi posa en qüestió els lideratges mundials. Si bé el G20 va voler monopolitzar el debat, finalment les Nacions Unides, de la mà del president de l'Assemblea General, el pare d'Escoto, va poder convocar la Conferència sobre la Crisi Financera i Econòmica i els seus Efectes Sobre el Desenvolupament (juny de 2009). Malgrat que els seus resultats són molt menors, i no s'hi van acordar moltes de les recomanacions del mateix president i de la Comissió Stiglitz, les conclusions de tot plegat apunten a una imprescindible reforma del sistema i de la governança de l'economia financera mundial. El "G192", es va posar, doncs, sobre la taula un model de governança democràtica mundial per abordar un crisi global d'impacte sobre la ciutadania mundial. The financial and economic crisis that has been rocking the globalised world since the summer of 2007 raises the question of whether we are looking at the end of a cycle or the end of a model and highlights the need for a thorough debate of ideas. In addition to the immediate causes of the crisis (such as the bursting of the housing bubble and the toxicity of the financial markets), several deep-rooted causes can be found, most resulting from a period of neo-liberal economic globalisation. Whilst the crisis has had a clear and tangible impact on the countries of the North, it has been calamitous for less developed countries. The damage is compounded by the fact that the review of the Monterrey Consensus, intended to find the necessary financing to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, was thwarted by the emergence of the G20. The political hijacking of the crisis casts doubt on global leadership. Although the G20 monopolised the debate, in the end, the United Nations (UN), under the leadership of the president of the General Assembly, Father Miguel d'Escoto, managed to convene the Conference on the World Financial and Economic Crisis and Its Impact on Development (June 2009). Despite the conference's modest results and the fact that no agreement was reached on many of the recommendations made by the president or the 'Stiglitz Commission', the conclusions as a whole point towards a crucial need to reform the system and governance bodies of the global financial economy. To this end, within the context of the UN, or 'G192', a model of global democratic governance was tabled to address a global crisis with an impact on global citizens ; Postprint (published version)

The year 2008 will be remembered in history as the year of the most serious capitalist fi nancial crisis since the outbreah of World War, and as the beginning of state measures taken to mitigate the social eff ects of the economic earthquake. Th is behaviour of Western governments, which includes millions of euros and dollars in public contributions to save the market economy and decisions to intervene in banking that would have been unthinkable in other circumstances, reminded me of the relationship of equilibrium and dependency that has always existed between the state and private interests, between the public sector and private initiative (is this the "invisible hand" of Adam Smith?). Th at is why I was led to remember the serious events that aff ected Rome in the fi rst century before Christ. Th is was a period when the business of the big fi nancial companies operating in the rich province of Asia were shaken and when the Senate resounded to the warning words of Cicero, recalling that the social equilibrium of Rome and its existence as a State depended on the successful outcome of the interests of the great businessmen, and urging the Republic to intervene with all its power to resolve them. Th is is an approach to those events and to fi nding out about the fi nancial fi rms operating during the last two centuries of the Roman republic. ; 2008 será recordado en la historia como el año del estallido de la más grave crisis fi nanciera capitalista tras la segunda guerra mundial, y el inicio de un conjunto de medidas estatales con el fi n de paliar los efectos sociales de tal terremoto económico. Este comportamiento de los gobiernos occidentales que incluye miles de millones de euros y de dólares en aportaciones públicas para salvar la economía de mercado, y decisiones de intervención bancaria impensables en otras circunstancias, me recordó la relación de equilibrio y dependencia que siempre ha existido entre el Estado y los intereses particulares, entre el sector público y la iniciativa privada (¿debe ser ésa ...

La actual crisis económico-financiera en la que se encuentran sumidos muchos países desarrollados, ante todo de la Unión Europea, está muy relacionada con las últimas transformaciones y adaptaciones del sistema capitalista, las nuevas ofensivas neoliberales y la falacia sobre la que se sustenta la construcción europea, que desde sus orígenes ha estado supeditada al capital financiero alemán. Esta crisis económica, financiera y de la deuda está sirviendo para aplicar unos planes de ajuste que recaen sobre las clases sociales más desfavorecidas y empobrecen a los países más vulnerables. Las consecuencias de esta situación crítica pueden ser imprevisibles mientras siga en pie ese megaproyecto capitalista, imperialista, financiero y burgués llamado Unión Europea. El futuro pasa por construir unos Estados Unidos Socialistas de Europa, donde se superen las fronteras nacionales, haya una integración política plena y la propiedad de los medios de producción sea pública. ; The current economic and financial crisis in which many developed countries, first and foremost of the European Union, are mired is closely related to recent transformations and adaptations of the capitalist system, the new neoliberal offensive and the fallacy on which is based the construction of Europe, which since its inception has been subject to the German financial capital. This economic, financial and debt crisis is serving to implement plans setting that they fall on the most disadvantaged social classes and impoverish the most vulnerable countries. The consequences of this critical situation can be unpredictable while still standing that mega financial and bourgeois capitalist, imperialist project called European Union. The future is to build a Socialist United States of Europe, where national borders are exceeded, has a full political integration and ownership of the means of production is public.

Estamos entrando en un nuevo ciclo económico al que podríamos denominar «economía de la reputación». El detonante para este cambio de tendencia ha sido la crisis iniciada en 2008-2009. La pérdida de confianza se ha generalizado, afecta tanto a las empresas como a los gobiernos. La recuperación de la confianza es una tarea prioritaria para la superación de la crisis económica. El autor argumenta que la buena gestión de las marcas y de la reputación son la palanca para recuperar la confianza y hoy son las empresas quienes están mejor posicionadas para impulsar esta gestión de los intangibles estratégicos. La clave para esta recuperación reside en comprender y saber gestionar las redes sociales y las relaciones con los stakeholders puesto que son los «iguales» y los expertos son las únicas fuentes de información sobre empresas e instituciones que tienen credibilidad en los ciudadanos. El autor presenta la creación del laboratorio de ideas Corporate Excellence - Centre for Reputation Leadership, como una iniciativa empresarial que nace en este contexto con el objetivo de ayudar a las empresas y al sector público a gestionar mejor los intangibles clave (reputación, marca y comunicación) y argumenta la utilidad de esta iniciativa para la recuperación de la confianza y para competir en este nuevo contexto de la economía de la reputación. ; We are entering a new economic cycle, which may be named «the reputation economy» —a trend that was triggered by the crisis that started in 2008-2009, when the loss of trust affected both businesses and governments. The recovery of trust is essential for overcoming the economic crisis. The author argues that good reputation management may serve as a tool for restoring trust and today the business sector is in a better position for promoting management of strategic intangible assets. In order to restore trust, it is fundamental to understand and be able to manage social networks as well as relations with the stakeholders due to the fact that peers and experts are the only sources of information on companies and institutions that still enjoy trust of the individuals. The author presents the think tank Corporate Excellence - Centre for Reputation Leadership as a project initiated in this context with an objective to help companies and the public sector to improve management of key intangible assets (the reputation, the brand and the communication). The author argues the utility of this initiative in order to restore trust and successfully compete in this new context of the reputation economy.

[From clash of interests to symbiosis? Environmental policy and welfare in times of economic boom and recession]Global challenges such as climate change, the free flow of international capital, and growing political transnational cooperation, together with two major financial crises, have put pressure on the national welfare state during recent decades. During the same period, the concepts of sustainable development and ecological modernization have contributed with an understanding of economic growth and environmental awareness as complementary. In that context, Karin Edberg's article discusses whether environmental policy can be said to be part of the modern Swedish welfare state. Edberg makes use of the annual inaugural speeches given by the prime minister in connection with the opening of the Swedish parliament. This implies that the article's results rather than reflecting political practice points at issues of political interest and their articulation. Edberg shows how environmental questions have fluctuated between being a de-ideologized and normalized part of the political landscape, and a political watershed. Today, the idea of sustainable development is the glue that connects environmental policies with the welfare state – at least on a rhetorical level – and which makes the environment a consensus issue.Publication history: Published original.(Published 7 October 2016)Citation: Edberg, Karin (2016) "Från motsatsförhållande till symbios? Miljöpolitik och välfärd i ekonomiska upp- och nedgångar", in Arkiv. Tidskrift för samhällsanalys, issue 6, pp. 7–37. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.13068/2000-6217.6.1 ; Globala utmaningar som klimatförändringar, transnationella kapitalrörelser och politiskt gränsöverskridande samarbete har satt den nationella välfärdsstaten på prov under de senaste decennierna. Två större finansiella kriser har också de påverkat politikens utformning. Under samma tid har begreppen hållbar utveckling och ekologisk modernisering bidragit med ståndpunkten att tillväxt och miljömedvetenhet kan gå hand i hand. Utifrån den kontexten diskuterar Karin Edberg i sin artikel huruvida miljöpolitiken kan sägas vara en del av den nutida svenska välfärdsstaten. Till grund för sitt resonemang använder sig Edberg av de årliga regeringsförklaringar som ges av statsministern i samband med riksdagens öppnande. Detta innebär att artikelns resultat inte speglar politisk praktik utan snarare vilka frågor som anses vara i den politiska hetluften och hur de artikuleras. Edberg visar hur miljöfrågan pendlat mellan att utgöra en avideologiserad och normaliserad del av det politiska landskapet, och en politisk vattendelare. I dag är idén om hållbar utveckling kittet som binder samman miljöpolitiken med välfärdsstaten – åtminstone på en retorisk nivå – och som gör miljö till en konsensusfråga.Publiceringshistorik: Originalpublicering.(Publicerad 7 oktober 2016)Förslag på källangivelse: Edberg, Karin (2016) "Från motsatsförhållande till symbios? Miljöpolitik och välfärd i ekonomiska upp- och nedgångar", i Arkiv. Tidskrift för samhällsanalys, nr 6, s. 7–37. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.13068/2000-6217.6.1

La crisis sociocultural y económica de octubre de 2019 en Chile, profundizada por la pandemia del COVID-19, ha develado una serie de discriminaciones e inequidades sociales en el ejercicio de la profesión académica, que afectan con mayor fuerza a las mujeres. Lo anterior, interpela a repensar modelos alternativos de hacer academia y construir conocimiento, considerando la posición que ocupan estas y sus conceptualizaciones en el espacio universitario, cuestión que cobra especial relevancia en la excepcional coyuntura constitucional, si se busca resolver las problemáticas de la sociedad actual. Así, el objetivo de este artículo es reflexionar en torno a la situación de las mujeres en la educación superior y a los aportes teóricos de los feminismos ante la crisis de sentido de la academia en el contexto neoliberal. Bajo una lectura crítica-reflexiva de fuentes secundarias, enmarcada en una epistemología feminista, se construye el texto desde una estructura global de ensayo argumentativo. Se concluye que existen diversos aportes teórico-prácticos de los feminismos con potencial transformador, en tanto herramientas conceptuales que permiten comprender y hacer frente a la crisis de la universidad y del neoliberalismo, por lo que resulta urgente promover una plena igualdad de género en el espacio académico.

The Stockholm Conference 1972 drew the world's attention to the global environmental crisis. To the inhabitants of Sweden, however, this threat to the planet and to humanity was nothing new. Anyone who regularly read newspapers, listened to the radio, or watched the television news would have encountered the issues. Five years earlier, in the summer of 1967, things were very different. At that time, it was not at all self-evident that humans were in the process of destroying their own living environment. Hence, in a short period of time, a radical change took place: an 'environmental turn'. It had major and far-reaching consequences. But what was it that opened people's eyes to the environmental crisis? When did it happen? Who set the ball rolling? And what does this historical process mean for us today? David Larsson Heidenblad's book sheds new light on the emergence of modern environmentalism in Sweden and provides fresh insight to challenges that concerns us all.

How do governments cope with lurking crises that call for behavioral change among a wider citizenry? The global warming threat is a topical case in point. In this article, we explore the Swedish government response to the 1973 oil crisis, from which we draw lessons. In terms of policy instruments, Swedish policymakers deployed a twopronged, strategy. The government simultaneously initiated a package of quick/ soft as well as slow/hard instruments in the hope that the first package with information campaigns would be successful enough to make the second package with formal rationings redundant. The substantive goal was that the Swedes must save in homes, offices, and premises so that the large exporting industry should get the oil it needed to continue with full employment. The strategy worked. All pertinent actors, households as well as foreign oil concerns, heeded government persuasion efforts (sermons, a negotiated agreement) and took measures voluntarily. Why? One explanatory factor is the creative organization of the national crisis authorities. To a large extent, the strategy was implemented by organs stacked with a mixture of public agencies, private oil distributors and all kinds of organized non-governmental energy-use stakeholders to promote outreach, transversal co-creation, and collaborative governance. The government succeeded in its meaning-making efforts and created a strong narrative (sermon), which clearly pointed out the serious anticipated effects of the crisis in Sweden, according to which it became obvious that households and commerce needed to save energy in order to secure oil supply for industry to protect jobs and impede mass unemployment.