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"The current volume presents a selection of 126 texts in Uyghur posted in public spaces, translated, and annotated for this book. The author started photographing Uyghur texts in 2008 at the time of the Beijing olympics and continued to do so during 2009, the year of the so-called "Urumqi uprising" of July 5. This event generated a stream of texts posted in public spaces that reflected the efforts made by the authorities to re-establish control. In the course of his travels in the years thereafter the author continued to add to the corpus of photographed Uyghur texts. At the same time he started collecting, as comprehensively as possible, various types of folders, brochures, handouts, and product wrappings with texts illustrating aspects of Uyghur culture and society. The texts, published here for the first time, are primary source materials documenting a wide variety of aspects of daily life of the Uyghurs in Shinjang. The implicit messages or explicit references contained in many of these texts give them significance as clues towards an understanding of the existential realities they reflect or illustrate."--Provided by publisher

A current ambition in welfare states across Europe and in the US is for political decision-making to be based on rigorous research (Bason 2010; Cartwright et al 2009; Mulgan 2009; Nilsson et al. 2008). Promoted as 'evidence-based policy-making', 'good analysis, or 'better governance' (Nilsson et.al. 2008) the aspiration finds its roots in the governance paradigm generally referred to as 'new public management' (Hartley 2005) and the central concern for developing a cost-effective and agile public sector (Rod 2010). . Sound as this ambition may seem, it has nevertheless been problematized from within the civil services and from the research community (e.g. Boden & Epstein 2006; Cartwright et al. 2009; Elliott & Popay 2000; House of Commons 2006; Nilsson et al. 2008; Whitty 2006; Rod 2010, Vohnsen 2011). Some warn that the term 'evidence-based' is used too lightly, and often in cases where 'evidence' has not fed into the policy processes but rather has been invoked after the fact to support already agreed upon policy (House of Commons 2006; Nilsson et al. 2008); others warn that politics and science are – if not incompatible – then at odds with one another (e.g. Boden & Epstein 2006; Whitty 2006). The article pin-points the friction points between science and policy-making and discuss why it is that evidence rarely feeds into policy-making and how the evidence-based paradigm effectively challenges the traditional craftsmanship of the civil service.

Ansettelsen i 2020 av ny sjef for Norges Bank Investment Management (NBIM) har igjen skapt debatt om skatteparadiser som har vært et økende internasjonalt tema siden finanskrisen i 2008. Artikkelen analyserer Norges Banks tilnærming til skatteparadiser slik den fremkom gjennom ansettelsesprosessen, og illustrerer tradisjonelle skillelinjer i debatten om skatteparadiser. Artikkelen har derfor relevans ut over å klargjøre Norges Banks tilnærming. Analysen bygger på offentlig tilgjengelige muntlige og skriftlige uttalelser knyttet til ansettelsen, og relevante dokumenter som opplyser bakgrunnen for at skatt ble innlemmet i NBIMs etikkarbeid fra 2017. Vi argumenterer for at sentralbanken posisjonerer seg tydelig på en forsvarslinje som utfordrer en anmodning fra Stortinget om å innlemme selskapers skatteposisjon i etiske retningslinjer. Det begrunnes med fire aspekter ved sentralbankens tilnærming til skatteparadiser: en snevrest mulig definisjon av skatteparadiser som fenomen; en uklar holdning til aggressiv skatteplanlegging; en nedtoning av skatteparadisenes negative konsekvenser; en snever tolkning av eget ansvar. Diskusjonen illustrerer et behov for en avklaring av innholdet i norsk politikk på skatt og åpenhet, herunder skatteparadiser.
Abstract in English:In the Central Bank's Blind SpotThe appointment in 2020 of a new head of the Norges Bank Investment Management (NBIM), has actualized a debate on tax havens, a growing concern following the international financial crisis of 2008. The article analyses the Norwegian central bank's approach to tax havens as it unfolded throughout the appointment process and illustrates traditional divisions in tax haven debates. The analysis builds on publicly available oral and written statements following the appointment, and relevant documents that inform the background of how tax and transparency became integrated in NBIM's work on ethics from 2017. The central argument put forward here is that the central bank position represents a traditional defense of tax haven use, in which challenges a request by the Norwegian Parliament to subordinate companies' tax strategies to ethical guidelines. We show that this is justified with four identified aspects of the central bank's tax haven approach: a narrow definition of the tax haven phenomenon; an unclear attitude to aggressive tax planning; a downplay of negative consequences of tax havens; a narrow interpretation of its own responsibilities. The discussions illustrate the need to clarify the content and practical management of the Norwegian policy on tax and transparency, including tax havens.

Global helse har stått sentralt i norsk utenriks-, utviklings- og helsepolitikk i en årrekke. Norge er anerkjent som en synlig aktør på global helse gjennom vesentlige finansielle bidrag, men også som en aktør som har bidratt til etablering av nye institusjoner og mekanismer som vaksinealliansen Gavi, Global Financing Facility for Women, Children and Adolescents (GFF) og Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations (CEPI). Norge spiller også en aktiv rolle i det internasjonale helsepolitiske samarbeidet, og er en aktiv deltaker i Verdens helseorganisasjon (WHO). Norge er – og har vært – gjenkjennelig på global helse over lang tid, og i alle internasjonale fora. Vi mener det er viktig å bidra til – og sikre – at konsekvensene av pandemier og globale helseutfordringer på internasjonal fred og sikkerhet også hører hjemme på dagsordenen til FNs sikkerhetsråd.
Abstract in English:Pandemic Response and Global Health in Norwegian Foreign Policy – and in the UN Security CouncilGlobal health has been a priority for Norway and for Norwegian foreign, development and health policies for the past decades. Norway is recognized as an active and consistent partner in global health questions, both through substantial financial contributions and as an advocate for establishing new institutions and mechanisms such as Gavi (the Vaccine Alliance), the Global Financing Facility for Women, Children and Adolescents (GFF) and the Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations (CEPI). Norway is also playing a leading role in the international cooperation in global health issues and in promoting a coordinated and effective humanitarian response to the COVID-19 pandemic. Norway actively participates and firmly supports the leading role played by the World Health Organization (WHO) in this regard. Norway will continue to be a consistent and recognizable partner in global health issues in all international fora. We firmly believe that it is important to contribute to – and secure – that the implications of pandemics and global health crises can be seen as threats to international peace and security and thus belong on the agenda of the UN Security Council.

Iran is now subjected to the harshest economic sanctions ever imposed on any country in the world. This report discusses if and how these sanctions work, first by analysing their intended purposes and how the many phases and layers of sanctions imposed by the USA, the EU and the UN Security Council have created an almost impenetrable, escalating sanctions regime against Iran. Secondly, the report illustrates how the sanctions are experienced, debated and received in Iran, and what direct and indirect consequences the sanctions have on Iran's nuclear program, the country's financial crisis, social conditions and the upcoming presidential election in June 2013. The conclusion is that the sanctions do work, but not according to their intentions. The sanctions are contributing to changing Iran: The external pressure creates further tensions and fractions on the domestic political scene; the market moves from the West to the East, and people are subjected to a humanitarian crisis. But the sanctions have not limited Iran's nuclear program; it has only been further developed during the last seven years. Therefore, there is still a considerable risk that the increasing isolation of Iran in a worst case scenario can lead to a military confrontation.

Stadig mer av utviklingsdiskusjonen dreier seg om grenseoverskridende problemstillinger og globale fellesgoder som klima, hav, natur og pandemiberedskap. Essayet presenterer tall som viser at Norge er det OECD-landet som vier mest av sin utviklingsbistand til globale fellesgoder. Selv om det er sterke synergier mellom bistand og globale fellesgoder har de grunnleggende sett ulike formål og målgrupper. Det er likevel grunn til å tro at tendensen med å bruke utviklingsmidler på globale fellesgoder vil styrke seg i årene som kommer – gitt de utfordringer verden møter i form av klimaendringer og smittsomme sykdommer. Essayet drøfter således hvordan bistandsfeltet er i ferd med å gjennomgå en gradvis, men fundamental endring – en «stille revolusjon». Dette kan skje ettersom bistanden er et politikkfelt som kjennetegnes av liten offentlig interesse og debatt. Det er imidlertid presserende drøfte implikasjonene av de globale fellesgodenes utvidelse og komplementering av bistanden. Ett forslag kan være å tydeligere rydde i utviklingssamarbeidets ulike engasjement, der bistand til fattigdomsreduksjon (uten hensyn til globale problemstillinger), og investeringer i globale fellesgoder (uten særlig hensyn til fattigdomsreduksjon) danner ytterpunktene. Dette kan hjelpe på dagens situasjon der bistanden presses tematisk og geografisk, og på den annen side arbeidet med de globale fellesgodene vris dit behovene er størst, ikke nødvendigvis dit produksjonen av dem skjer mest effektivt.
Abstract in EnglishAid's Silent Revolution?After decades of progress on a number of development parameters such as poverty reduction, hunger, and child and maternal health, we now see an emerging pessimism related to the international society's ability to solve global challenges. Indeed, the world seems increasingly embroiled by crises of a global nature, whether it's the ongoing economic and health crisis caused by Covid-19 or the weather extremes caused by climate change. Although not explicitly recognized, these developments are fundamentally changing international development cooperation. Foreign aid is increasingly directed towards global public goods such as climate, pandemics, the oceans and biodiversity. Norway is leading the pack with more than 20 percent of its earmarked aid addressing global public goods. Resources for poverty alleviation among the world's poorest nations has come under increasing pressure from these global public goods and confronts us with fundamental questions about what foreign aid has become, and what it should be.

This article discusses the recent debate between Jürgen Habermas and Wolfgang Streeck on the relationship between capitalism and democracy in Europe. The article recounts Streeck's analysis of the financial crisis, the transformation of the tax state into the debt state, and the development of the EU towards an international consolidation state, which informs Streeck's call for a retreat from Europe to the nation-state as the last line of defense against neoliberal capitalism. The article proceeds to sketch Habermas's criticism of Streeck's argument, and it illustrates how Habermas' proposal for a reconstitution of the EU as a supranational democracy is motivated by foundational concerns in his critical theory of society. Finally, the article argues that the debate results in an unresolved dilemma: while only a democratized EU can reestablish the supremacy of politics over globalized markets, the EU is more likely to become further entrenched as an international consolidation state.

Etter å ha gått seirende ut av «klimavalget 2021», står den rødgrønne regjeringen overfor oppgaven med å sikre Norges grønne omstilling. I den offentlige debatten står gjerne argumenter om global solidaritet og miljøhensyn fremst i begrunnelsene for nødvendigheten av en grønn omstilling, mens motstandere av et raskt skifte fokuserer på de negative økonomiske konsekvensene de mener et raskt skifte vil få for Norge. Denne artikkelen søker å nyansere dette bildet, og argumenterer for et bredere kost-nytte-perspektiv som også tar høyde for diplomatiske kostnader ved å fortsette med oljeleting, samt de økonomiske konsekvensene av en treg omstilling. Selv om man holder konsekvensene av klimaendringene helt utenfor vurderingen, argumenterer vi for at usikkerheten rundt fremtidig oljepris og omdømmerisikoen Norge løper ved å fortsette å basere økonomien på ikke-fornybare energikilder, burde være gode argumenter for å revurdere Norges oljepolitikk.
Abstract in English:Norway's Oil Dilemma After Glasgow: An Immoral Argument for a Rapid Green TransitionAfter winning the "2021 climate election", Norway's new government faces the task of ensuring Norway's green transition. In the public debate, global solidarity and environmental considerations are often at the forefront of arguments for the necessity of a rapid green transition, while opponents of a rapid transition tend to focus on the negative financial consequences they believe such a change will have for Norway. This article seeks to nuance this debate, and argues for a broader cost-benefit perspective that also takes into account diplomatic costs of continuing with oil exploration, as well as the economic consequences of a slow transition. We argue that, even if not considering other consequences of climate change, the uncertainty surrounding future oil prices and the reputational risk Norway runs by continuing basing the economy on non-renewable energy sources should be good enough arguments to reconsider Norway's oil policy.

Den fremvoksende supermakten og gigantøkonomien Kina har vist vilje og evne til å ta i bruk økonomiske virkemidler for å forme ikke bare egen region, men også for å skaffe global innflytelse. I dette bokessayet tar vi for oss fire bidrag om ulike sider ved Kinas økonomiske statshåndverk. Bøkene handler om graden av kontroll over kommersielle aktører i Kinas bruk av økonomisk statshåndverk (Norris, 2016), valutahåndverk og Kinas forsøk på å internasjonalisere sin valuta renminbi (Cohen, 2019), Kinas kollektive finanshåndverk gjennom BRICS-samarbeidet (Roberts et al., 2017) og Kinas gigantiske infrastrukturprosjekt (Clarke et al., 2020). Samlet viser bøkene spennet i økonomiske virkemidler Kina har til rådighet. Vi har en klar agenda med lesningen. Vi lurer først på hva som er de innovative aspektene ved bidragene. Dernest bruker vi bøkene til å svare på tre problemstillinger knyttet til Kinas fremvekst og dets økonomiske statshåndverk: (i) hva er Kinas ambisjoner?, (ii) hva gjør Kina? og (iii) leverer Kina på ambisjonene? Til slutt forsøker vi å løfte blikket og diskutere kort hvordan kunnskapstilstanden kan bedres fremover.
Abstract in English:China's Economic Statecraft: Ambitions, Behavior, and AchievementsThe rise of China as a superpower and economic giant has massive consequences for world politics. China has ambitions and capabilities to make use of its new economic muscles to not only shape its own region but also to increase its influence globally. In this book essay, we analyze four contributions to various facets of Chinese economic statecraft. The books concern the level of control of commercial actors in the Chinese leadership's economic statecraft (Norris, 2016), currency statecraft and China's attempts to internationalize its currency (Cohen, 2019), China's collective financial statecraft through the BRICS cooperation (Roberts et al., 2017), and China's enormous infrastructure project (Clarke et al., 2020). Taken together, the books show the extensive scope in the economic tools China has at its disposal. We have a clear agenda with our reading. We are predominantly interested in the innovative aspects of the contributions. We also use the books to answer three research questions concerning China's rise and its economic statecraft: (i) what are China's ambitions?, (ii) what is China's behavior?, and (iii) does China achieve its ambitions? Finally, we build on our reading of the contemporary literature on economic statecraft to outline some blind spots in the research field.