Posljednjih godina svjedočimo buđenju ekološke svijesti općenito, kako u svijetu tako i u Europi. No kako to Europska unija upravlja svojim financijskim sektorom i usmjerava ga ka održivosti? Na koji način ona provodi "pozelenjivanje" svog financijskog sektora? Odgovori na to su sljedeći. Europska je unija krenula od uzroka. Kratkoročna ulaganja nisu povoljna kao dugoročna ulaganja kada govorimo o održivosti. Trend kratkoročnih ulaganja puno je privlačniji od dugoročnih ulaganja u Europi, stoga je Europska unija odlučila promijeniti dosadašnje trendove kroz veću transparentnost zelenih investicija i njihovu klasifikacija kroz sustav taksonomije zajedno sa standardom zelenih obveznica. Sve to u cilju postizanja, prvenstveno, Pariškog klimatskog sporazuma, a potom postizanja glavnog cilja, odnosno klimatske neutralnosti do 2050. godine. ; In recent years, we are witnessing the rise of environmental awareness, both on the global and European levels. But how does the European Union manage its financial sector and steers it towards sustainability? How is it implementing greening in its financial sector? This thesis attempts the answer these guestions by explaining recent EU policy developments. The European Union decided to address some of the main problems. For instance, short-term investments are not as favorable as long-term investments when it comes to sustainability. Short-term investments are much more attractive than long-term investments in Europe, so the European Union has decided to change the current trends through greater transparency of green investments and their classification through the taxonomy system together with the green bond standard. All this in order to achieve, primarily, the Paris Climate Agreement, and then to achieve the main goal, that is climate neutrality by 2050.
Stupanje na snagu Ugovora iz Lisabona 2009. godine označilo je veliki iskorak u procesu dublje integracije u okviru Europske unije. Potpuno ukidanje kontrole na granicama između država članica, koje su ovu domenu dugo ljubomorno čuvale za sebe, predstavljalo je najveće iskušenje u kompliciranom procesu prenošenja nadležnosti u području politike migracije i azila na nadnacionalnu razinu. Činjenica da je sve veći broj državljana tzv. trećih država, u potrazi za boljim životom ili bježeći od rata, pristizao na teritorij Unije, zavrijedila je pozornost donositelja odluka da počnu pripremati teren za uspostavljanje jedinstvenog sustava reguliranja pitanja migracije i azila. U ovom radu bit će prikazan razvoj politike azila kao jedne od važnih sektorskih politika Europske unije. Cilj je prikazati kako je Europska unija kao sui generis politički sustav, uspijevala znatan dio ovlasti u ovom području prebaciti u domenu rada svojih institucija i s kojom je uspješnošću to postizala. Rad je podijeljen na četiri cjeline. U prvom dijelu analizira se politika azila kao sektorska politika u institucionalnom i zakonodavnom sustavu EU, dok se u drugom dijelu opisuje povijesni razvoj ove politike. Treći dio predstavlja kratki osvrt na europsku migracijsku krizu, dok četvrti dio sadrži zaključna razmatranja autora. ; Coming into force in 2009, the Treaty of Lisbon was a great step in the process of deeper integration within the European Union itself. The complete abolition of control at the borders between the member states, which had up to then been keeping a jealous watch over this domain, represented the biggest temptation during the complicated process of the transfer of authority in the field of migration politics and asylum to supranational level. The fact is that the constantly increasing number of the so-called "third country nationals," arriving to the EU territory in search of a better life or running away from war, proved to be worth of the attention of decision-makers, and gave them impetus to start preparing the ground for establishing a unique regulation system for migration and asylum matters. In this paper, the development of the asylum policy will be described as one of the important sectoral policies of the EU. The aim is to show how the EU as a sui generis political system was able to transfer significant amount of authority in this field into the domain of its institutions' work and how successful it was. The paper is divided into four major units. The first unit is related to asylum policy as a sectoral policy inside the institutional and legislative system of the EU. In the second unit we describe specific historical development of this policy. The third unit is reserved for a brief review of the European migration crisis, and the fourth part contains concluding considerations of the authors.
In the 1960s, the golden age of development in Europe came to an end, the socialist economies failed to adapt to the new situation and began to reform their economic system. The Yugoslav federal leadership announced economic reforms in 1961 and 1965, considered to be the best programme of economic reform and modernization during the institutional development of the Second socialist Yugoslavia. The self management system was based on the premises that the state control of the economy and planning should be replaced by contractual bargains among socially-owned enterprises, indicative planning and market mechanism. Kraigher's reform (1965) strengthened the developmental principles and the position of industry as the leading economic activity on the one hand and stabilisation programme on the other. However, the stabilisation policy failed to live up to expectations, and its restrictive measures created new imbalances. Kraigher's reform deepened the economic volatility, economic growth declined, while inflation and foreign debt swelled rapidly. The federal government made no particular efforts to remedy the situation and resolve the problems. In the late 1960s, the Yugoslav economic miracle came to an end. The communist authorities were preparing the grounds for constitutional ammendments, and enforced the adoption where federal communist leadership disciplined the proponents of economic reform and liberal market policies. The socialist economies, like modern EU states (Great Recession 2008-2013), failed to respond to the crisis immediately and with resolute action. This was a key reason for the disintegration of the Second Yugoslavia and could be the new form of balkanisation of EU. Adapted from the source document.
The unstoppable advance of technology has brought about major changes at the socio-economic level that affect, among other things, the developments & the changes in the media industry. Technological advances have enabled the emergence of a new multimedia environment that has wiped out the traditional boundaries between telecommunications, audiovisual industry & informatics. These advances have been most propitious for the media pluralism & diversity. Due to the interactivity they enable, the individual is no longer a passive user of the media content. Owing to the accelerated process of the production of contents & services, the media market has become strikingly competitive, & the increasing selection of specialized contents has fragmented audiences, causing a drop in the revenues from advertising. These changes have left their mark both on the commercial media & the public service whose choice of programs has conspicuously changed, while the drop in the size of audiences brings into doubt the legitimacy of the compulsory subscription fee & consequently the financial health ie., survival of this public service. The public broadcasting service is faced with a more pronounced identity crisis. Its future can be secured only if it is redefined or restructured & if a new, convergent, multimedia, interactive public service enables citizens to access a broad range of information, knowledge & entertainment. References. Adapted from the source document.
Tema disertacije je analiza djelovanja putem pravnopolitičkih mehanizama međunarodne zajednice, a prvenstveno misleći Europske ekonomske zajednice (kasnije Europske unije) na sprječavanje sukoba i postizanje mira na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije u vremenu od 1990. g., tj. od trenutaka prvih znakova početaka krize, pa sve do kraja oružanih sukoba/ratova 1995. g. i potpisivanja Daytonskog mirovnog sporazuma. Upravo vrijeme prvih znakova krize i početaka prvih oružanih sukoba na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije bilo je vrijeme kada je Europska ekonomska zajednica stvarala Zajedničku vanjsku i sigurnosnu politiku. Ujedno jugoslavenska kriza odvijala se paralelno s stvaranja nove ujedinjene Europe koja se našla pred izazovom dokazivanja uloge regionalnog i globalnog igrača u kreiranju svjetske politike, te u dokazivanju mogućnosti samostalnog rješavanja eventualnih sukoba na svom teritoriju bez upliva politike Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. Jugoslavenska kriza reflektirana kasnije kroz oružane sukobe i ratove predstavlja je test institucionalnom sistemu dotadašnje i buduće ujedinjene Europe, te je ista bila indikator, smjernica institucijskom razvoju Europske ekonomske zajednice, a uslijed same činenice nemogućnosti implementacija usvojenih politika/odluka kojima bi rješila krizu i spriječila sukobe. Oružani sukobi/ratovi i sama kriza na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije s vremenom je bila u suprotnosti s duhom buduće ujedinjene Europe nakon pada Berlinskog zida, a nemogućnost uporabe rješenja za kraj krize, oružanih sukoba i postizanje mira povlačilo je za sobom i pitanje održivosti takve zajednice. Prekrajanje granica silom od strane lokalnih politika na području bivše Jugoslavije s ciljem osiguranja življenja jednog naroda u jednoj državi bili su u suprotnosti s načelom uti possidetis iuris i vladavinom prava na koje se u stvaranju suvremene Europe nakon II. Svjetskog rata ista pozivala. Upravo kroz navedeno načelo međunarodnog prava, Europska ekonomska zajednica, a i kasnije Europske unija, kao i svi ostali dionici međunarodne zajednice uključeni u sprječavanju sukoba i postizanje mira na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije svojim pravnopolitičkim mehanizmima navedeno načelo koje predstavljalo razloge/polazište svih oružanih sukoba na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije nisu znale i mogle zaštiti. Činjenica djelovanja međunarodne zajednice, prvenstveno Europske ekonomske zajednice/Europske unije u skladu s izvorima europskog i međunarodnog javnog prava, te koristeći pravnopolitičke mehanizme koji su upravo proizlazili iz navedenih izvora, a bez mogućnosti fizičke, stvarne primjene istih prema onima na koje se odnosilo, kao i neaktivnost u angažiranju od početaka sukoba od strane Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, stvarali su subjektivni dojam da ne postoji politička volja oko temeljnih pitanja ključnih za sprječavanje sukoba i postizanje mira, kao ni volja zaštite međunarodnog prava na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije. Upravo željom za globalnom dominacijom u novom svjetskom poretku, kao i činjenica dokazivanja Europi da ne može samostalno upravljati i rješavati krize na svom području, Sjedinjene Američke Države preuzele su aktivnu ulogu u rješavanju krize koristeći pravnopolitičke mehanizme u skladu s odredbama međunarodnog javnog prava, čime su spriječile daljnje sukobe/ratove i postigle mir. Političkom reaktivacijom u odnosu na prostor bivše Jugoslavije, Sjedinjene Američke Države jasno su dokazale svoju političku dominaciju u rješavanju i "upravljanju krizom" na tlu Europe, a ujedno su očuvale svoj i kredibilitet NATO-a i same Europske unije. ; The topic of this dissertation is the analysis of acting through legal and political mechanisms of an international community, namely the actions the European Economic Community (later known as the European Union) had undertaken to prevent conflicts and achieve peace on the territory of the former Yugoslavia from 1990 and the first signs of a crisis up to the end of the armed conflicts/wars in 1995 and the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement. Just when the first signs of the crisis and the first armed conflicts began to appear in the former Yugoslavia, the European Economic Community created the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Also, the Yugoslav crisis took place in parallel with the creation of a new united Europe that faced the challenge of proving to be a regional and global force in the creation of the world policy, as well as proving its ability to independently resolve possible conflicts within its territory without interference from the policy of the United States. The Yugoslav crisis, later manifested in armed conflicts and wars, was a test of the institutional system of the former and future united Europe, a guideline for the institutional development of the European Economic Community, and an indicator of the inability to implement the adopted policies/decisions that would resolve the crisis and prevent conflicts. Armed conflicts/wars and the crisis in the former Yugoslavia were eventually contrary to the spirit of the future united Europe after the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the inability to find a solution to end the crisis and armed conflicts, as well as to achieve peace, raised the issue of sustainability of such a community. Redrawing the borders perforce by the local policies in the former Yugoslavia with the aim to ensure the settlement of one nation in one state was contrary to the principle of uti possidetis iuris and the rule of law relied upon by the modern Europe after World War II. The European Economic Community, and later the European Union, as well as all the other members of the international community engaged in conflict prevention and achieving peace in the former Yugoslavia, did not know how to use their legal and political mechanisms to protect the aforesaid principle which represented the reasons/starting point for all the armed conflicts in the former Yugoslavia. The action of the international community, primarily the European Economic Community/European Union in line with the sources of European and international public law, using the legal and political mechanisms stemming from the aforesaid sources, without the possibility of their actual implementation, as well as the USA's decision not to engage in the conflict from the beginning, created a subjective impression that there is no political will to tackle issues crucial for conflict prevention, achieving peace, and protecting international law in the former Yugoslavia. It was the desire for global domination in the new world order and the desire to show Europe the independence in managing and addressing the crises in its territory that enabled the USA to take an active role in addressing the crisis by using legal and political mechanisms in line with international public law provisions, which prevented further conflicts/wars and ensured peace. Political reactivation in the former Yugoslavia enabled the USA to clearly demonstrate its political domination in "crisis management" in Europe, whilst preserving its own credibility as well as the credibility of NATO and the European Union.
Pandemijska kriza uzrokovala je mnoge izazove na globalnoj razini. Europska unija pokušala je pravovremeno i optimalno odgovoriti na neke od izazova koji su zahvatili njezino područje, a autorica je uočila sljedeće: ekonomski pad; kriza zdravstvenog sektora; nepostojanje cjepiva; smanjenje mobilnosti građana unutar i izvan državnih granica; širenje dezinformacija te pitanje očuvanja europskih vrijednosti i propadanja demokracije. Uz to što će prikazati reakciju EU na pojedine izazove u 2020. godini, analizirat će i strategije triju država članica koje su primijenile različite pristupe borbi protiv virusa – strategiju Njemačke, Švedske i Mađarske. Autorica će doći do zaključka da je EU uspješno odgovorila na jedan dio navedenih izazova, dok je na drugi dio ipak mogla čvršće reagirati. U borbi s izazovima nije pomogla niti različitost strategija država članica, a neke od njih pronašle su i nove saveznike izvan EU. ; The pandemic crisis has caused many challenges on a global level. The European Union tried to respond in a timely and optimal manner to some of the challenges that affected its area, and the author detected the following: economic decline; health sector crisis; lack of vaccine; reducing the mobility of citizens inside and outside national borders; spreading misinformation and the issue of preserving European values and the decline of democracy. In addition to showing the EU's response to certain challenges in 2020, the strategies of the three member states that have applied different approaches to fighting the virus - strategies of Germany, Sweden and Hungary - will be analyzed. The author will come to the conclusion that the EU has successfully responded to one part of these challenges, while it could have reacted more strongly to the other part. The various strategies of the member states did not help in the fight against the challenges, and some of them even found new allies outside the EU.
Slovenia makes a compelling case for care policy analysis since it is marked by extreme dichotomy in care. Therefore, placing Slovenia on a continuum of care regimes ranging from defamilialised to familialised with respect to care is difficult, with care for children being highly defamilialised, and care for older people highly familialised. The country's childcare policies build on a historically well-developed system of public childcare provision and generous leave policies, together with a well-developed social protection system targeting families. These have been retained and, in some cases, were expanded, still following the 2009 economic crisis, certain austerity measures were introduced. On the other hand, care policies for older people started to develop later and after the initial growth they relatively stagnated (especially the social home-care system). A comprehensive long-term care system has yet to be developed and become a subject of ongoing political debates. Further, unlike in childcare, the increasing role of private actors can be observed in this sector. In the article, we discuss these care policy developments in Slovenia in terms of the role of relevant actors (state, family, private actors) with an emphasis on the views of people regarding care, based on data gathered within an innovative method of democratic forums. The article reveals that the dichotomy of care policies, as well as the differing recent trends in family policies for children and care for older people, is not present in people's attitudes and their preferences for the arrangement of such policies. ; Slovenija pruža dobre argumente za analizu politike skrbi jer je obilježava izrazita dihotomija u području skrbi. Stoga je teško smjestiti Sloveniju u kontinuum režima skrbi koji se proteže od defamilijaliziranog do familijaliziranog, gdje je skrb za djecu izrazito defamilijalizirana, a skrb za starije osobe izrazito familijalizirana. Mjere skrbi za djecu u zemlji oslanjaju se na povijesno dobro razvijeni sustav javne skrbi za djecu i izdašne politike o dopustu, zajedno s dobro razvijenim sustavom socijalne zaštite usmjerenom na obitelji. Te su mjere zadržane i, u nekim slučajevima, proširene, no uslijed ekonomske krize iz 2009. godine uvedene su određene mjere štednje. S druge strane, politike skrbi za starije osobe počele su se razvijati kasnije i nakon početnog rasta relativno su stagnirale (posebice sustav socijalne usluge pomoći u kući). Sveobuhvatni sustav dugoročne skrbi tek se treba razviti i postati tema kontinuiranih političkih debata. Nadalje, za razliku od skrbi za djecu, u ovom se sektoru može uočiti povećana uloga privatnih aktera. U radu raspravljamo o razvitku tih politika skrbi u Sloveniji u odnosu na ulogu relevantnih aktera (država, obitelj, privatni akteri), s naglaskom na stavove ljudi o skrbi na temelju podataka prikupljenih u sklopu inovativne metode demokratskih foruma. Rad ukazuje na to da dihotomija politika skrbi, kao i različiti noviji trendovi u obiteljskim politikama za djecu i u skrbi za starije osobe, nisu prisutni u stavovima ljudi i u njihovim preferencijama za uvođenje takvih politika.
Problem je ovoga istraživanja nedovoljno učinkovit način obrazovanja vođa u poslovnim školama. Iako je potreba za vođama u svijetu sve veća, vjeruje se da je neadekvatno obrazovanje u poslovnim školama doprinijelo sustavnom nedostatku vodstva, što je dovelo do financijske i moralne globalne krize. Smatra se da poslovne škole u svojim obrazovnim programima premalo pažnje posvećuju etici i sustavu vrijednosti. Međutim, uz univerzalne principe vodstva, svako društvo i kultura moraju definirati svoje potrebe vodstva i "otkriti" svrhu, način djelovanja i upotrebu moći. Stoga je cilj ovoga istraživanja izraditi prijedlog učinkovitog kurikuluma za obrazovanje vođa u hrvatskim poslovnim školama. Šira je društvena svrha aktualizacija teme vodstva i obrazovanja za vodstvo kao nasušne potrebe hrvatskog društva na svim razinama. Za potrebe teorijskog dijela rada provedeno je sekundarno istraživanje znanstvene i stručne literature, stranih i domaćih autora. Objašnjeni su pojam, definicije i karakteristike vodstva te iznesen povijesni pregled raznih teorija i pristupa vodstvu. Naveden je kratki pregled istraživanja o učinku kulture i njezinom utjecaju na obrazovanje za vodstvo. Opisan je primjer dobre prakse u kreiranju i praćenju uspješnosti obrazovnih politika i strategija te neki obrazovni programi vodstva i njihov utjecaj na razvoj vođa. Na temelju spoznaja dobivenih iz provedenog sekundarnog istraživanja, kreiran je prijedlog kurikuluma za obrazovanje vođa koji nedostaje u Hrvatskoj. Predloženi višeslojni model temelji se na multidisciplinarnom znanju utemeljenom u tradiciji poslovnih škola i humanističkih znanosti, tako da potiče razvoj analitičkih, konceptualnih, međuljudskih i praktičnih vještina. Posebna je važnost dana praksi, coachingu i mentorskom pristupu kao alatima pomoću kojih se studentima omogućava iskustveno učenje. Inovativnim vježbama i praksom studente se priprema da budu transformacijski vođe koji će znati učinkovito komunicirati viziju i misiju svojim suradnicima i sljedbenicima. Posebno je naglašena globalna perspektiva i potreba za integracijom etike i sustava vrijednosti u svaki dio obrazovnog procesa. ; The focus of this study is on leadership education in business schools which is not effective enough. Although the global demand for leaders is growing, it is believed that the inadequate education in business schools contributed to the systemic failure in leadership that led to the current global financial and moral crisis. It is thought that business schools do not pay enough attention to ethics and the system of values. However, in addition to the universal principles of leadership every society and culture has to define their own leadership needs in order to 'discover' the purpose, mode of operation and use of power. Therefore, the aim of this research is to propose an effective curriculum for leadership education in Croatian business schools. A broader social objective is to promote the topic of leadership and education for leadership as the fundamental need of the Croatian society at all its levels. Secondary research of scientific and professional literature by Croatian and other authors was conducted for the theoretical part of the paper. The concept, definitions and characteristics of leadership are explained and a historical overview of various leadership theories and approaches is given. The paper gives a short overview of the research on culture and its impact on leadership education. An account of good practice is given concerning the establishment and monitoring of educational policies and strategies and some educational programmes for leadership and their influence on the development of leaders. A curriculum proposal is formulated for the education of Croatian leaders on the basis of insight gained from the secondary research. The proposed multilevel model is based on the multidisciplinary knowledge founded in the tradition of business schools and humanistic sciences so that it stimulates the development of analytical, conceptual, interpersonal and practical skills. Special importance is placed on practice, coaching and mentoring as the tools for students to learn from experience. By means of innovative assignments and practice students are prepared to become transformational leaders who will be able to effectively communicate the vision and mission to their co-workers and followers. Global perspective is emphasised as well as the need to integrate ethics and the system of values in every aspect of the educational process.
Osnovni je cilj ovog rada utvrditi potencijalno učinkovit smjer razvoja politike razvojne suradnje Republike Hrvatske kao države članice Europske unije i države donatora. Radom se predlaže praćenje globalnih i europskih trendova razvoja te politike primjenom modela delegirane razvojne suradnje kojim je moguće ostvarivati vlastite ciljeve i stjecati koristi ne upotrebljavajući isključivo vlastita nacionalna sredstva i resurse, nego podjelom donatorskih aktivnosti, uz ekspertize i resurse svih uključenih donatora te istodobno ostvarivanje učinkovitih rezultata. Imajući u vidu ograničene financijske resurse za provedbu te politike te preuzete obveze primarno spram Europske unije, provedena analiza u radu ukazuje na model delegirane razvojne suradnje kao na moguće strateško opredjeljenje Republike Hrvatske u provedbi predmetne politike u idućem razdoblju. Holistički pristup razvoju te politike, specijalizacija za određena područja djelovanja te integracija s drugim donatorima identificirani su kao predstojeći izazovi za Republiku Hrvatsku, a ujedno i kao preduvjeti primjene modela delegirane razvojne suradnje. ; The main aim of this study is to determine possible strategic guidance for increasing the effectiveness of implementing the development cooperation policy in the Republic of Croatia, bearing in mind its membership of the European Union and the fact that, since 2011, the Republic of Croatia has been officially classified as an international donor. Thus, taking into consideration the limited financial resources available for the implementation of this policy, the analysis in this study proposes a model of delegated cooperation as a possible strategic commitment on the part of the Republic of Croatia in policy implementation in the coming period. The delegated cooperation model should be considered in the context of the Republic of Croatia's meeting its commitments towards the European Union and the global donor community, as well as guidance for alignment with current global donor trends in policy implementation. Furthermore, it should be seen as beneficial in terms of achieving the visibility of the Republic of Croatia as a donor country, its proliferation through comparative advantage, and the withdrawal of European Union funds in order to achieve its own benefits and ultimate fulfillment of global development goals. In order to achieve this, structural changes should be introduced regarding the necessary political commitments and appropriate institutional and procedural reforms. In this respect, the need to introduce changes in the existing political system of the Republic of Croatia should be considered.
U ovom radu razmatraju se osnovne značajke vezane uz problematiku zlouporabe alkohola kod adolescenata koji pohađaju srednju strukovnu školu. Istraživanje je provedeno među učenicima tijekom veljače - travnja 2008. godine u Školskom centru za strukovna zanimanja grada Viteza (Bosna i Hercegovina), u kojem prema najnovijim podatcima (lipanj 2009.) živi preko 60% hrvatskog stanovništva. Uzorak dobiven slučajnim izborom sastojao se od 200 učenika različitog spola, dobnih skupina, školskog uspjeha i obiteljske situacije. Cilj rada bio je dobiti što cjelovitiju sliku o konzumaciji alkohola među učenicima strukovne škole koja uključuje odgovore na niz pitanja, od količine alkohola koju učenici povremeno ili redovito piju, učestalosti opijanja, do razlika između muškog i ženskog spola, vrste alkohola koji se najčešće konzumira, povezanosti pijenja s školskim uspjehom, obiteljskom situacijom, provođenjem slobodnog vremena i drugo. Korišten je standardizirani anketni upitnik izrađen u svrhu ovog istraživanja. Rezultati su potvrdili postavljenu glavnu hipotezu da učenici srednje strukovne škola značajno konzumiraju alkohol i da se relativno često opijaju. Također, dobiveni su mnogobrojni podatci koji jasno ukazujuna zabrinjavajuće slabu provedbu preventivnih zahvata u suzbijanju zlouporabe alkohola kod mladih jer kod ispitanika nije formiran stav protiv pijenja alkoholnih pića.Dobiveni rezultati pokazuju izrazito zabrinjavajuću sliku konzumacije alkohola od strane učenika i učenica nama susjedne države. Moglo bi se reći da se zlouporaba proširila na gotovo sve učenike i učenice ovog uzrasta. Očito je da se pijenje alkohola, čak i povremeno opijanje, tolerira i drži društveno prihvatljivim ponašanjem mladeži, jer se sankcionira isključivo kad mladi pod utjecajem alkohola učine druga društveno kažnjiva djela. Dobiveni podatci su uspoređeni snekim rezultatima ESPAD istraživanja provedenog u Europskoj uniji i Hrvatskoj 2007. godine koji su pokazali da hrvatska mladež konzumira alkohol iznad europskog prosjeka (od visokog sedmog mjesta 2003. tijekom zadnjih pet godina "popela" se u neslavnu skupinu prvih triju mjesta). Istraživanje provedeno u susjednoj državi pretežno među Hrvatima, ali i učenicima drugih nacionalnosti (Bošnjaci, Srbi) pokazuje da je i među učenicima hrvatske manjine situacija jednako dramatična kao i u Hrvatskoj. Teško je oduprijeti se dojmu da su tranzicijske teškoće na ovim prostorima u svom najgrubljem obliku najviše pogodile mlade. ; In this study we examine the basic characteristics of the problem of alcohol abuse among adolescents attending vocational high school. The study was conducted from February to April 2008, among students of the Vocational High School in the city of Vitez (Bosnia and Herzegovina) in which, according to the newest statistics (June, 2009), more than 60% of the population isCroatian. The random sample consisted of 200 students of both genders and of various age groups, school grades and family situations. The aim of the study was to obtain as complete a picture of alcohol consumption among students of vocational high school as possible, which would include answers to a range of questions, from the amount of alcohol students occasionally or regularly drank, the frequency of drunkenness, to the differences between males and females,the type of alcohol most often consumed, the relationship between drinking and school grades, family situation, leisure time activities and others. A standardized questionnaire made for the purpose of this study was used. The results confirmed the main hypothesis that was made, that students of vocational high school consume a considerable amount of alcohol and get drunk relatively often. Also, a large amount of data was obtained which clearly indicates an alarminglylow success rate for preventive measures to stop the abuse of alcohol among youngsters because the subjects had not formed an opinion against drinking alcoholic beverages.The results obtained paint an extremely worrying picture of alcohol consumption among male and female students in our neighboring country. It could be said that alcohol abuse has spread among almost all students of this age group. It is obvious that drinking alcohol, and even occasional inebriation, is tolerated and viewed as socially acceptable behavior for youngsters, because it is sanctioned exclusively when youngsters under the influence of alcohol perpetrate other socially punishable acts. The data obtained were compared to some results from the ESPAD study conducted in the European Union and Croatia in 2007 which showed that Croatian youngsters were above the European average in alcohol consumption (from a high seventh place in 2003 during the last five years they "climbed" to the infamous group of top three places). The study conducted in our neighboring country mainly among Croatians but also among students of other nationalities (Bosnians, Serbs) shows that the situation among students of the Croatian minority is as dramatic as it is in Croatia. It is hard to resist the impression that the hardships of transition in the region has fallen upon youngsters in its worst form.
Gospodarske i društvene krize prilika su za protestne stranke da dignu svoj glas i da se izbore za nove pozicije na političkoj sceni. Mnogi analitičari smatraju da su stranke radikalne desnice dobile zamah upravo na protestima građana protiv globalizacije, ekonomske deprivacije i utjecaja gospodarske krize. Pomnijim proučavanjem radikalizacije politike vidi se da pojednostavljivanje te teze nema naročito čvrsto uporište. U nedostatku jasnih metodologija politolozi i drugi društveni znanstvenici pokušavaju uobličiti teorije zasnovane na empirijskim istraživanjima. Jedan je od čestih teorijskih okvira odnos populističkih stranaka prema socioekonomskom stanju u zemlji. Prema toj tezi, u vremenu globalne krize postotak glasača za radikalne političke opcije raste, većinom iz protesta, a ne antisustavnosti. Ovo izlaganje prati i stanje u Srednjoj Europi, odnosno rezultate ovogodišnjih izbora u Mađarskoj, Latviji i Slovačkoj kao zemljama sa snažnom radikalnom desnicom. Na primjerima tih zemalja nastoji se utvrditi može li se socioekonomska teorija aplicirati ili se radi o većim izazovima liberalnoj demokraciji s krajnjeg desnog pola. ; Economic and social crises provide an opportunity for protest parties to raise their voices and to win new positions in the political arena. Many analysts deem that the parties of the radical Right gained momentum exactly with the protests by citizens against globalisation, economic deprivation and the impact of the economic crisis. A more detailed study of the radicalisation of politics reveals that the simplification of this thesis does not have a particularly strong justification. In the absence of clear methodologies, political scientists and other social scientists seek to formulate theories based on empirical research. One of the frequent theoretical frameworks is the attitude of populist parties toward the socio-economic situation in the country. According to this thesis, in the period of a global crisis, the percentage of voters of radical political options increases, mostly out of protest, and not as an anti-systemic phenomenon. This paper also examines the situation in Central Europe, as well as the outcomes of this year's elections in Hungary, Latvia and Slovakia as countries with a strong radical Right. By analysing the cases of these countries, the author seeks to establish whether the socio-economic theory can be applied, or whether these countries are facing greater challenges to liberal democracy posed by the far-right pole.
Nowadays, when faced with aging societies, family structure changes, labour market transformations, non-standard employment arrangements, shadow economy, financial and economic crisis, many are worried about the two basic issues: pension systems' financial sustainability and benefit adequacy (both short-term and long-term). Therefore, almost all countries in the world made some changes to their pension systems. The situation is even more aggravated in countries with high budget and pension system's deficits, unfavourable dependency ratios, long-term negative natural increase rates, low employment and high unemployment rates. Unfortunately, Croatia suffers from all these problems. Therefore Croatian pension system has undergone many reforms: one systemic reform (from 1998 to 2002 which resulted in the establishment of the three-pillar pension system), and several parametric reforms, the last one encompassing all three parts of the pension system (2013-2015). The purpose of the paper is to provide legal analyses of this last parametric reform in the light of sustainability and adequacy concerns with some inevitable reminders of the previous reform solutions. The author reveals many inconsistencies and lack of prudence in legislator's approach, which in the long-term potentially endangers both the financial sustainability and benefit adequacy. Moreover, numerous and frequent legislative changes coupled with the existence of many groups of privileged pensioners raise further concerns regarding predictability, stability, efficiency and fairness of the pension system as well as trust in the national government. Furthermore, the author warns that only part of the solutions lies within the pension system itself (through more thoughtful adjustments). Those changes should be complemented by other strategies outside the pension policy (e.g. within the health care system, tax system and labour market regulations). ; Danas, kada smo suočeni sa starenjem stanovništva, promjenama u strukturi obiteljskih zajednica, nepovoljnostima na tržištu rada, nestandardnim i novim oblicima rada, sivom ekonomijom, financijskom i gospodarskom krizom, mnogi su zabrinuti oko dva važna pitanja: financijske održivost mirovinskih sustava i primjerene razine mirovina (kratkoročno i dugoročno). Stoga su gotovo sve zemlje u svijetu poduzele neke reforme. Situacija je dodatno otežana u zemljama s visokim proračunskim deficitom i deficitima u mirovinskom sustavu, nepovoljnim stopama ovisnosti, dugotrajno negativnim stopama prirodnog prirasta, niskom zaposlenosti i visokom nezaposlenosti. Nažalost, Hrvatska je suočena sa svim tim problemima. Stoga je hrvatski mirovinski sustav prošao kroz brojne reforme: jednu sustavnu reformu (provedena od 1998. do 2002. što je rezultiralo uspostavom trodijelnog sustava) te nekoliko parametarskih reformi, od kojih se posljednja odnosila na sva tri stupa (od 2013. do 2015.). Cilj rada je provesti kritičku pravnu analizu ove posljednje parametarske reforme u svjetlu održivosti mirovinskog sustava i primjerenosti razine mirovina, uz neizbježna podsjećanja na neka prethodna reformska rješenja. Autor otkriva mnoge nedosljednosti zakonodavca te nedostatke i propuste u promišljanju reformskih mjera, koji dugoročno mogu ugroziti i financijsku održivost i primjerenost razine mirovina. Štoviše, učestale zakonske promjene posljednjih godina, kao i postojanje brojnih skupina povlaštenih umirovljenika narušavaju predvidivost, stabilnost, učinkovitost i pravičnost sustava te povjerenje u vladajuće elite. Nadalje, autor upozorava da se samo dio postojećih problema može riješiti promjenama u samom mirovinskom sustavu (kroz opreznije i sveobuhvatnije promišljene reforme). Te promjene moraju biti dopunjene drugim komplementarnim strategijama i mjerama (npr. u okviru zdravstvenog sustava, poreznog sustava, tržišta rada i radnog zakonodavstva).
Post hladnoratovsko proširenje NATO-a, u dosad provedena dva kruga, predstavlja najveću i najvažniju geopolitičku promjenu u Europi, nakon geopolitičke tranzicije koja se u Europi odigrala u razdoblju od 1989. do 1991. g. Treći krug proširenja, koji uključuje Hrvatsku i Albaniju, otvoren je davanjem pozivnica ovim državama na Summitu NATO-a u Bukureštu u travnju 2008. g. Proširenje je bilo i još uvijek jest dio preobrazbe NATO-a u post hladnoratovskom razdoblju u kojem je NATO evoluirao iz tradicionalnog vojnopolitičkog saveza u kombinaciju saveza i sigurnosne zajednice. Proširenje je također bilo i jest izraz američke pobjede u hladnom ratu i uzdizanja SAD-a u jedinu svjetsku supersilu. NATO je povećao svoj teritorijalni obuhvat, promijenio svoje misije, sposobnosti i ciljeve, te ih nastavlja mijenjati kako bi ostao spreman odgovoriti na buduće sigurnosne izazove koji se postavljaju pred njegove članice. Najveći izazov NATO-u u budućnosti mogao bi doći iznutra, a to je mogućnost da postane sredstvo američke globalne geostrategije i njenih ciljeva. Ako NATO želi ostati legitimnim savezom i izrastati u sigurnosnu zajednicu, ne smije postati sredstvo za ispunjavanje geopolitičkih i geostrateških ciljeva samo jedne države, pa čak ni SAD-a. Stoga je u odnosima SAD-a i Europe potreban uravnotežen pristup, prema kojem SAD ne bi koristile vojnu moć kako bi nametale svoje geopolitičke i geostrateške ciljeve pod svaku cijenu. ; The Post-Cold War enlargement of NATO, in two rounds so far, was the biggest and the most important geopolitical change in Europe, after the geopolitical transition that took place in Europe from 1989 to 1991. A third round of the enlargement, which includes Croatia and Albania, was opened at the NATO summit in Bucharest in April 2008, by sending invitations to these two states. Enlargement was and still is a part of NATO's transformation in the Post-Cold War Era in which NATO has evolved from a traditional form of military-political alliance into a combination of an alliance and security community. It also was and still is an expression of American triumph in the Cold War and the rising of the USA to a status of the world's only superpower. NATO has enlarged its territorial reach, changed its missions, capabilities and objectives, and is continuing to modify them so that it could stay prepared for the future security challenges facing its members. The biggest challenge facing NATO in the future may be coming from the inside – the possibility of becoming a tool of USA's global geostrategy and its aims. If NATO wants to remain a legitimate alliance and develop itself towards the security community, it must not become a tool for fulfilling the geopolitical and geostrategic goals of only one state, not even the USA. Therefore, a balanced approach in American-European relations is needed, according to which the USA would not use its military power to impose its geopolitical and geostrategic objectives at any cost.
Odricanje od multikulturalizma u praksi suvremene liberalne države ("multikulturalizam je mrtav"), ali djelomično i u liberalnoj teoriji, zanemaruje činjenicu da su je multietničnost društveno stanje neovisno o ideologiji i da je preživjelo "kraj povijesti". Zaboravlja se i to da su politike multikulturalnosti postojale i prije nego što je konstituirana liberalna država. Ukoliko se u obzir uzmu ove činjenice, onda se problem odnosa suvremene liberalne države prema multietničnosti čini još kompliciranijim od konstatacije da je multikulturalizam među prvim žrtvama krize globalnog liberalizma. Ako se pomirimo s činjenicom da je multietničnost fenomen koji je prežvljavao i najveća moralna srozavanja civilizacija, onda se moramo upustiti u raspravu i promišljanja o tome – kakve politike multikulturalnosti odgovaraju suvremenoj liberalnoj državi. ; Waiver of multiculturalism in practice of modern liberal state ("multiculturalism is dead"), partly in liberal theory too, ignores the fact that the societal multi-ethnic situation exists independently of ideology, and that it has survived even "the end of history." It is also forgotten that the policy of multiculturalism existed before the liberal state was constituted. If we take into account these facts, the problem of relationship of modern liberal state and multi-ethnicity becomes even more complicated than just being among the first victims of the crisis of global liberalism. If we accept the fact that the multi-ethnic phenomenon has persisted even after the biggest moral degradation of civilization, then we have to engage in discussion and reflection on – how the policy of multiculturalism corresponds with the liberal state.
Gospodarstvo grada Osijeka i razvoj grada, koji je omogućavala njegova porezna snaga, nakon ulaska u Kraljevinu SHS našli su se u poteškoćama. No, unatoč nepovoljnim financijskim trendovima, prilagodbi novom tržištu i prometnoj izoliranosti Osijeka, u gradu se ipak tijekom 1920-ih počeo realizirati program modernizacije infrastrukture. Uvođenjem kraljeve diktature i nove upravne podjele 1929. grad Osijek izgubio je svoju administrativnu važnost, a s njom i važne državne institucije. To se negativno odrazilo na osječke gospodarstvenike koji su ubrzo potom osjetili i punu jačinu udaraca Velike depresije – izgubljena tržišta i umanjenje kupovne moći. Državna je vlast, kao reakciju na gospodarsku krizu, naredila štednju koja je zapravo značila da će država štedjeti na gradu Osijeku, ukidajući državne institucije koje su djelovale u Osijeku ili ih prebacujući na teret osječkoga gradskog proračuna. ; The economy of the city of Osijek and the development of the city, which was enabled by its tax strength, after the entrance into the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes found themselves in difficulties. Nevertheless, despite the negative financial trends, adjustment to the new market and traffic isolation of Osijek, in the city during 1920s a program of infrastructure modernization started its realization. After the introduction of the king's dictatorship and new government division in 1929 the city of Osijek lost its administrative importance as well as important government institutions. That had a negative impact on the economists of Osijek who soon after that felt the full strength of the Great Depression strike – lost markets and lower buying power. The government, as a reaction to the economic crisis, ordered saving, which actually meant that the state would be saving on the expense of the city of Osijek. The state abolished government institutions located in Osijek or put them under city budget of Osijek.
