Suchergebnisse

Significant international attention has been directed to the most pressing problem of the financial crisis of 2008/2009 -- global liquidity shortages. The use of adequate foreign exchange reserves during the crisis helped alleviate pressures. However, this was only partially effective in a number of important cases. Some countries also needed to rely on external official financing. The aim of this article is to compare and analyse the main sources of official global liquidity -- foreign exchange reserves, bilateral swap lines of central banks, regional financial arrangements arid IMF resources. To reach effective outcomes in relation to the accumulation of FX reserves and a strengthening of the global financial safety nets, effective international coordination will be necessary. Adapted from the source document.

A review essay covering books by 1) Alan S. Alexandroff & Andrew F. Cooper, Rising States, Rising Institutions: Challenges for Global Governance (2010), 2) Alexander T. J. Lennon & Amanda Kozlowski, Global Powers in the 21st Century: Strategies and Relations (2008), 3) Geir Lundestad, The Rise and Decline of the American 'Empire': Power and its Limits in Comparative Perspective (2012), 4) Fareed Zakaria, The Post-American World and the Rise of the Rest (2009), 5) Amrita Narlikar, New Powers: How to Become One and How to Manage Them (2010) and 6) Michael T. Klare, Rising Powers, Shrinking Planet: The New Geopolitics of Energy (2008).

The study deals with analysis of economic reforms in South-Eastern Asia affected by financial crisis in 1990s. Authors have stressed, that it was a result of internal & external influences, which caused not only the fatal destabilization of main economic fundaments of affected countries & they have had consequences on international business authority of these countries. It was approved, that the high rate of internal interdependence of countries affected by crisis & also the interdependence on Japan, could be considered as basic, but hidden accelerators of crisis. Nevertheless using of important reforming interventions eliminated most of the economic implications of it the risks of re-outbreak of the crisis have been decreased to certain level only. For prevention against its expansion are responsible all "attended" subjects & equally they have to share on realization of reforming economic programs for its long-term elimination. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

The relatively long term period of stability before the present crises called even "Great Moderation" or "Golden Age of Central Banking" indicated that the inflation targeting was a success story. As of 2008 a lot has changed and the debate over "Leaning against the wind or Clean afterwards?" is being revisited among central bankers and academicians. At the same time the question "Does money matter in monetary policy" is on the table again. This paper focuses on the discussion of these issues; moreover, some new challenges that emerged in previous three years are discussed. The crisis has highlighted an urgent need to incorporate banks and financial frictions into monetary policy modelling framework -- therefore some new findings on this field of research are outlined. An important lesson from the crises is that price stability is not a sufficient precondition for financial stability, therefore an operational framework for financial stability is being searched -- this is subject of the final part of this paper. Adapted from the source document.

The article presents economic voting theory and its application to the study of electoral behaviour in four Central European countries. The theoretical part describes the reward-punishment model of economic voting and its predictions for electoral behaviour in countries with coalition governance and in internationally open economies during the global economic crisis. The analytical part investigates the existence and features of economic voting (as a P-function) in the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. Hypotheses about the existence of economic voting in these countries, the higher economic accountability of more responsible coalition partners, and the lower level of economic voting under the perceived influence of the EU on the domestic economy are tested using OLS and binary logistic analysis of European Election Study data (2004 and 2009). As the results show, economic voting was only detected in Hungary (2004 and 2009) and Slovakia (2004). The analysis indicates that, in general, almost all Prime ministers' parties bear a greater degree of economic accountability; meanwhile, perceptions of EU economic responsibility had no influence on the popularity of government parties in 2009. ; The article presents economic voting theory and its application to the study of electoral behaviour in four Central European countries. The theoretical part describes the reward-punishment model of economic voting and its predictions for electoral behaviour in countries with coalition governance and in internationally open economies during the global economic crisis. The analytical part investigates the existence and features of economic voting (as a P-function) in the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. Hypotheses about the existence of economic voting in these countries, the higher economic accountability of more responsible coalition partners, and the lower level of economic voting under the perceived influence of the EU on the domestic economy are tested using OLS and binary logistic analysis of European ...

Ten experts representing universities, newspapers and institutions provide their short comments on the Norwegian Parliament's address (2008-2009) regarding current and future foreign policy developments. Some of the given comments are general in nature whereas others target a particular part of the document such as immigration and Nordic co-operation. The general comments describe the address as predictable, status conforming and stable, but criticisms are given for downplaying the importance of the European Union. However, a commentator points out that this document still remains the most important source for understanding Norwegian foreign policy since it explains Norway's security policy, foreign policy goals and role in international organizations. L. Pitkaniemi

This article seeks to identity functional and systemic shortcomings of the Register of Interest Representatives (the Register) and contrasts them with the Commission's own evaluation of the Register's functioning. Special attention is accorded to the analysis of financial data published by interest groups in the Register. The article builds on original empirical research in which quantifiable data from 1063 registered interest groups were evaluated. The analysis of the financial data is complemented by the results of a questionnaire given to the registered interest groups. The questionnaire was addressed to almost one third (324) of interests registered at the end of February 2009; the return rate achieved 22.84%. The research suggests that the methods for calculating financial amounts are inadequate. This situation is exacerbated by a passive control system of truthfulness and completeness of registered data, as well as by a weak voluntarily motivation to register and by the lack of a sanctions policy. These factors diminish the credibility of the data in the Register. Consequently, the level of transparency with regard to the financial aspects of lobbying is, to a great extent, limited. Adapted from the source document.

The paper aims to explain the development of the perception of national identity of the Christian Democratic Party (CDU), the strongest German political party in the past few decades. The paper focuses on election manifestos for the 1990, 1994, 1998, 2002, 2005, and 2009 elections. For this purpose, each manifesto is examined according to up to five analytical categories – such as values, nation, Europe, threats, and society. These categories explore the party's perception in a wider context instead of focusing only on direct references to national identity. The analysed period was divided into three phases with an emphasis on the internal crisis between the years 1998 and 2002. The crisis influenced policy priorities; therefore the perceptions of elements belonging to national identity were changed in order i) to gain victory in the general elections in 2002 and 2005, and ii) to reflect properly the state of German society. Therefore, significant policy shifts were made. These policy changes show how the party successfully integrated societal demands and preferences over the past decade. Thank to this, the CDU incorporated both conservative and liberal elements. This is evident in the case of incorporating liberal elements such as homosexual partnerships while, at the same time, actively stressing the importance of defending national interests. ; The paper aims to explain the development of the perception of national identity of the Christian Democratic Party (CDU), the strongest German political party in the past few decades. The paper focuses on election manifestos for the 1990, 1994, 1998, 2002, 2005, and 2009 elections. For this purpose, each manifesto is examined according to up to five analytical categories – such as values, nation, Europe, threats, and society. These categories explore the party's perception in a wider context instead of focusing only on direct references to national identity. The analysed period was divided into three phases with an emphasis on the internal crisis between the years 1998 ...