The social economy sector is an important area of public policy implementation in social assistance and the labor market. Social economy entities have instruments of public financial support at their disposal, including returnable ones, enabling them to develop and achieve economic and social goals. During the COVID-19 pandemic, they received new support instruments of a unique nature compared to the existing solutions. An important issue is the flexibility of public policy responses and the ability to jointly - the public authority and the non-profit stakeholder community - to develop and implement support to protect this sector, which is sensitive to economic crises resulting from the consequences of operating restrictions during the COVID-19 pandemic. The social enterprise, or more broadly social entrepreneurship, is certainly one of the most fascinating innovations of recent decades, still eluding theoretically satisfactory explanation.
The purpose of this text is to present the results of a research in which the author analysed succeeding crisis situations that could constitute the basis for some of the changes in the political system of the EC/EU and subsequently made an attempt to delineate a certain scheme behind such behaviours. It is justified to seek the answer to the following question: What is the underlying reason for introducing changes in such situations and is it possible to pinpoint certain shared elements in different cases?To achieve that goal the author takes a closer look on the "empty chair" crisis, Schengen Area crisis and the recent financial crisis in Europe. In order to confirm the actual value of the conducted research, the author will make an attempt to relate his observations to the current geopolitical situation in Eastern Europe with reference to the EU competences in the existing political system.
The purpose of this text is to present the results of a research in which the author analysed succeeding crisis situations that could constitute the basis for some of the changes in the political system of the EC/EU and subsequently made an attempt to delineate a certain scheme behind such behaviours. It is justified to seek the answer to the following question: What is the underlying reason for introducing changes in such situations and is it possible to pinpoint certain shared elements in different cases?To achieve that goal the author takes a closer look on the "empty chair" crisis, Schengen Area crisis and the recent financial crisis in Europe. In order to confirm the actual value of the conducted research, the author will make an attempt to relate his observations to the current geopolitical situation in Eastern Europe with reference to the EU competences in the existing political system.
Effective regulation of the financial market is clearly crucial to innovation and the future success of the financial services industry and, in particular, FinTech companies. Prior to the global financial crisis, financial innovation was viewed very positively, resulting in many markets in the deregulatory approach to financial regulation. During the crisis, the regulatory pendulum swang to the other extreme. Dramatic technological change has spurred the development of financial technology companies (FinTech). FinTech and other financial services providers profoundly challenge the current regulatory paradigm. Financial regulators are increasingly seeking to balance the traditional regulatory approaches to financial stability and consumer protection with promoting growth and innovation. The resulting regulatory innovations include technology, innovation hubs, regulatory sandboxes, and special charters. This paper analyses new regulatory approaches, structured experimentalism (such as sandboxes), and the development of specific new regulatory frameworks.
The article aims to empirically indicate the share and industry characteristics of the largest state-owned enterprises in five selected countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Furthermore, based on the analysis, an attempt is made to answer relevant research questions: Whether and to what extent after almost 30 years of transition have the economies of the analysed countries become similar to the economies of selected developed countries of Western Europe with regard to the scope of state ownership in the economy? If so, to what extend? Could the economies of the analysed countries be seen as an occurrence of growing importance of state-owned enterprises after the financial crisis of 2008–2009, referred to in the literature as the "return of state-owned enterprises"? The analysis of the scope of state ownership in the economy was made using the processed and completed source data contained in the Orbis database. The study consists of three parts. The first part presents methodological assumptions of the analysis, definitions, description of data sources and basic characteristics of the studied set of enterprises. The second part contains data on state-owned enterprises in the analysed countries, divided into the state-owned and statecontrolled with a minority shareholding also includes industry-specific analysis. The third part contains synthetic international comparisons and a retrospective analysis, including the status and characteristics of state-owned enterprises in the surveyed countries in 2009, 2013 and 2017. The conclusions contained in the summary indicate a significant diversification of the scope and importance of state enterprises in the economies of the analysed countries.
There is no doubt that the European Union, which is the result of European integration, is an unprecedented entity in the history of international relations. It is a symbol of a new, united Europe, which, after negative experiences, decided to become a safe continent, and therefore eliminate once and for all war from the life of its states and nations. Unfortunately, the idea of 'eternal peace,' which many politicians and philosophers dreamed about, has failed to be fully implemented to this day. Moreover, the recent war in the Balkans and the current Russian-Ukrainian war still make this idea impossible in international relations in Europe. The purpose of this paper is to present the European Union today, ten years after its 2004 enlargement by a further ten countries, including eight from the former Eastern bloc. The paper shows the strengths and weaknesses of the EU, which – although significantly strengthened by the Eastern enlargement – still cannot cope with many economic, political, social and international problems. The author of this paper tries to come up with answers to many questions concerning the present EU: why is this happening, what are the reasons for it and what are the prospects for the EU in the 21st century. The main thesis is that the EU needs overhauling, so it can continue to grow and be an engine of European integration. If this does not happen, though, the EU will begin to crumble and eventually disintegrate, or become no more than a free trade zone. ; There is no doubt that the European Union, which is the result of European integration, is an unprecedented entity in the history of international relations. It is a symbol of a new, united Europe, which, after negative experiences, decided to become a safe continent, and therefore eliminate once and for all war from the life of its states and nations. Unfortunately, the idea of 'eternal peace,' which many politicians and philosophers dreamed about, has failed to be fully implemented to this day. Moreover, the recent war in the Balkans and the current Russian-Ukrainian war still make this idea impossible in international relations in Europe. The purpose of this paper is to present the European Union today, ten years after its 2004 enlargement by a further ten countries, including eight from the former Eastern bloc. The paper shows the strengths and weaknesses of the EU, which – although significantly strengthened by the Eastern enlargement – still cannot cope with many economic, political, social and international problems. The author of this paper tries to come up with answers to many questions concerning the present EU: why is this happening, what are the reasons for it and what are the prospects for the EU in the 21st century. The main thesis is that the EU needs overhauling, so it can continue to grow and be an engine of European integration. If this does not happen, though, the EU will begin to crumble and eventually disintegrate, or become no more than a free trade zone.
Gerhard Schröder's appointment as Chancellor of Germany in 1998 marked the first clear signs of Germany's emancipation from the EU's decision-making center in Brussels. It was, however, only after 2008, when the global economic crisis resonated across Europe, that Berlin maturely redefined its European policy priorities. Following that, the federal government gained more confidence in applying international policy tools to protect the German raison d'état in the Old Continent. For this reason Chancellor Angela Merkel has made the struggle with the financial problems of the eurozone one of the priorities of her second-term in office. The quality of bilateral cooperation between the leaders of Germany and France plays an important role in this respect, especially in view of Nicolas Sarkozy's defeat in the latest presidential election. François Hollande has already proved that Paris has a different attitudeto the issue of the redistribution of the eurozone members' debt than Germany, and reaching a consensus will require the CDU leader to be more submissive than before. Angela Merkel is aware of the ongoing reconfiguration of European political alliances, therefore she is prepared to soften Germany's diplomatic language to maintain the stability of the European currency, to which Germany owes its current position in Community decision-making structures. The main focus of this paper is to explore the formula of "European solidarity" of Germany in the context of the eurozone debt crisis, with particular emphasis on the case of the Hellenic Republic. Angela Merkel's standpoint is tested in the context of German-French cooperation with respect to the eurozone debt clearing policy. ; Gerhard Schröder's appointment as Chancellor of Germany in 1998 marked the first clear signs of Germany's emancipation from the EU's decision-making center in Brussels. It was, however, only after 2008, when the global economic crisis resonated across Europe, that Berlin maturely redefined its European policy priorities. Following that, the federal government gained more confidence in applying international policy tools to protect the German raison d'état in the Old Continent. For this reason Chancellor Angela Merkel has made the struggle with the financial problems of the eurozone one of the priorities of her second-term in office. The quality of bilateral cooperation between the leaders of Germany and France plays an important role in this respect, especially in view of Nicolas Sarkozy's defeat in the latest presidential election. François Hollande has already proved that Paris has a different attitudeto the issue of the redistribution of the eurozone members' debt than Germany, and reaching a consensus will require the CDU leader to be more submissive than before. Angela Merkel is aware of the ongoing reconfiguration of European political alliances, therefore she is prepared to soften Germany's diplomatic language to maintain the stability of the European currency, to which Germany owes its current position in Community decision-making structures. The main focus of this paper is to explore the formula of "European solidarity" of Germany in the context of the eurozone debt crisis, with particular emphasis on the case of the Hellenic Republic. Angela Merkel's standpoint is tested in the context of German-French cooperation with respect to the eurozone debt clearing policy.
Labour relations as well as labour law are constantly changing, and the political system, economic and social situation in the country as well as the relationship between employees, which are usually represented by trade unions, employers and their organizations and the state, have a decisive influence on their evolution. In this respect, the situation in the Międzymorze (Intermarium) countries is diverse, and therefore they belong to various European social models. In the current period, after the 2008-2009 crisis, it is common for the Międzymorze countries to strive to increase the flexibility of labour relations and to limit the influence of the state in providing employment and living standards. The exception, however, is Belarus, in which in 2012-2014 the state's influence on the regulation of labour relations was increased.
Labour relations as well as labour law are constantly changing, and the political system, economic and social situation in the country as well as the relationship between employees, which are usually represented by trade unions, employers and their organizations and the state, have a decisive influence on their evolution. In this respect, the situation in the Międzymorze (Intermarium) countries is diverse, and therefore they belong to various European social models. In the current period, after the 2008-2009 crisis, it is common for the Międzymorze countries to strive to increase the flexibility of labour relations and to limit the influence of the state in providing employment and living standards. The exception, however, is Belarus, in which in 2012-2014 the state's influence on the regulation of labour relations was increased.
Labour relations as well as labour law are constantly changing, and the political system, economic and social situation in the country as well as the relationship between employees, which are usually represented by trade unions, employers and their organizations and the state, have a decisive influence on their evolution. In this respect, the situation in the Międzymorze (Intermarium) countries is diverse, and therefore they belong to various European social models. In the current period, after the 2008-2009 crisis, it is common for the Międzymorze countries to strive to increase the flexibility of labour relations and to limit the influence of the state in providing employment and living standards. The exception, however, is Belarus, in which in 2012-2014 the state's influence on the regulation of labour relations was increased.
Labour relations as well as labour law are constantly changing, and the political system, economic and social situation in the country as well as the relationship between employees, which are usually represented by trade unions, employers and their organizations and the state, have a decisive influence on their evolution. In this respect, the situation in the Międzymorze (Intermarium) countries is diverse, and therefore they belong to various European social models. In the current period, after the 2008-2009 crisis, it is common for the Międzymorze countries to strive to increase the flexibility of labour relations and to limit the influence of the state in providing employment and living standards. The exception, however, is Belarus, in which in 2012-2014 the state's influence on the regulation of labour relations was increased.
Labour relations as well as labour law are constantly changing, and the political system, economic and social situation in the country as well as the relationship between employees, which are usually represented by trade unions, employers and their organizations and the state, have a decisive influence on their evolution. In this respect, the situation in the Międzymorze (Intermarium) countries is diverse, and therefore they belong to various European social models. In the current period, after the 2008-2009 crisis, it is common for the Międzymorze countries to strive to increase the flexibility of labour relations and to limit the influence of the state in providing employment and living standards. The exception, however, is Belarus, in which in 2012-2014 the state's influence on the regulation of labour relations was increased.
Labour relations as well as labour law are constantly changing, and the political system, economic and social situation in the country as well as the relationship between employees, which are usually represented by trade unions, employers and their organizations and the state, have a decisive influence on their evolution. In this respect, the situation in the Międzymorze (Intermarium) countries is diverse, and therefore they belong to various European social models. In the current period, after the 2008-2009 crisis, it is common for the Międzymorze countries to strive to increase the flexibility of labour relations and to limit the influence of the state in providing employment and living standards. The exception, however, is Belarus, in which in 2012-2014 the state's influence on the regulation of labour relations was increased.
The economic processes experienced by European Union member states are clearly simultaneous in that the relative increase in the GDP of Northern Europe coincides with the dissolving structures in the South, manifested both in economic collapse and social discontent. Unemployment and all kinds of adverse phenomena that are related to it provide a foundation for dangerous conflicts, capable of disorganizing and devastating any society. Such conflicts are frequently augmented by structural and institutional crises, in particular in the areas devoid of innovative stimuli where production capacity is underused and alternatives absent. Apart from the negative economic development that has affected all countries to some extent, it is equally important to address the area of social relations comprising labor market and challenges related to the new form of social system where all the parties to the dispute are obliged to coexist. ; Procesy zachodzące w gospodarce państw tworzących Unię Europejską cechuje wyraźna symultaniczność, względny progres PKB odnotowywany w Europie Północnej kontrastuje z dysolucją struktur na Południu, postrzeganym zarówno poprzez pryzmat załamania gospodarki, jak i implozję niezadowolenia społecznego. Bezrobocie i towarzyszące temu zjawisku negatywne aspekty tworzą niebezpieczną bazę konfliktów, dezorganizujących i wyniszczających każde społeczeństwo. Wydarzenia te niejednokrotnie pogłębia kryzys strukturalny i instytucjonalny, szczególnie mocno identyfikowany z obszarami pozbawionymi bodźców innowacyjności, oparty na niewykorzystaniu mocy wytwórczych i braku alternatyw. Obok inwersji rozwoju gospodarczego, w mniejszym lub większym stopniu dotykającym wszystkie kraje, nie mniej ważną jest płaszczyzna relacji społecznych, która w swoim zasięgu obejmuje zagadnienia dotyczące rynku pracy i wyzwań dotyczących budowy nowego kształtu ustroju społecznego, obligując wszystkie podmioty sporu do koabitacji.
