The issue of the link between migration and development is increasingly relevant in the global political agenda. However, the scientific discussion concerning the increased migratory flows seems to be more focused on the questions regarding admission and / or rejection of migrants on the territory of receiving countries than on the general topic of the contribution of migrants to the financial, social and cultural development of societies (of origin, transit, or destination). The volume aims at offering food for thought for the analysis of the changes occurring in modern societies, that are asked to answer thoroughly to economic and forced migration. The goal of the volume is to open discussion among experts, scholars and policy-makers, on the problematic questions, outcomes, implications and achievements on migration and development.
Since its birth in 1861, the Italian state has administered the foreigners' social and legal status – both in the homeland and the colonies – through administrative orders and acts, mainly expres-sed through circulars, i.e. infra-law acts. It has continued to do so even in its democratic phase. More recently, and due to a general global trend toward the linguistification of politics and law, Twitter or Facebook messages are replacing traditional circulars on migration. Political or state authorities increasingly use social media to issue their orders. Infra-law therefore stands out as a permanent normative paradigm for foreign populations, preventing them from accessing legal subjectivity and consequently producing countless negative effects. This article aims to highlight not only that this unchanging form of foreign population management leads to its perpetual subaltern social and economic condition, but also – in contrast to what Weber claims about the structural link between law and capitalism – that it is crucial to capitalism's development because it can best satisfy its need for predictability and calculability.
Abstract – The huge increase in migration flows through the Afro-Mediterranean routes during recent decades has shaped previously homogeneous populations into linguistically and culturally diverse ethnoscapes. Migration has therefore made a notable contribution to the acquisition and the use of English as a first, second and foreign language and to the burgeoning of new Englishes all over the world (Crystal 1997; Trudgill et al. 2002; Jenkins, 2003) thus questioning our traditional knowledge of language as a social projection of territorial unity held together by shared behavioral norms, beliefs and values. Specifically, by examining the communicative and translation processes which twelve interviewed interpreters, translators and language mediators were involved in during their interaction with newly-arrived migrants in Southern Italy, this paper addresses three main research issues concerning: a) the use of English as a Lingua Franca (ELF) in the practice of language and cultural mediation and the extent to which this language may be perceived either as a barrier or as a bridge, thus affecting the relationship between the mediator and the migrant and the shaping of the politics of hospitality in the Mediterranean; b) the different linguistic and extra-linguistic strategies which mediators can adopt in the field of migration emergencies not only to serve communicative purposes, but also to humanize the migrants' transfer to, and stay at the different camps across Italy; c) the interviewed language mediators' narratives as a testimony of negotiation, activism and resistance to the strict institutionalized protocols of Italian immigration policies. Finally, in this chapter, we also intend to investigate the extent to which the interviewed mediators form not a mere aggregation of individuals achieving the task of translation as a mere linguistic transfer, but a community of practice held together by a conscious and critical sense of the performative power of their words and their mediation conceived as a way to create meanings which form and transform human reality.
Owing to globalization processes, the nation-state is facing the problem of re-examining its ability to create & maintain order through legislation & law enforcement, as well as its capacity to direct the economy in line with citizens' choices. The use of globalized economic & juridical patterns by private individuals is a great leap forward in economics & personal freedom, considering that the state is continuously loosing its monitoring & checking ability. At the same time, these individuals still live within the framework of the state & also acknowledge its power. Ironically, while trying to sidestep the state, the citizens still look to it to solve their everyday problems. The author investigates the reasons behind the crisis into which a specific model of state -- the Kelsenian & Keynesianan model -- has fallen in recent years. Nevertheless, the crisis of that model does not imply the loss of the possibility of managing the economy & globalization processes. The nation-state remains the most important producer of a great many services & its role in promoting advancements in knowledge & technological innovation is still a central one. One of the most important roles of the nation-state in the global era is that of removing the barriers to the global economy & pursuing the efficiency & innovation of its infrastructures & bureaucratic machinery. In the light of global changes, it is important to rethink the idea that the production of law & institutions can only be legitimated by ballots, or at least that voting always represents the best solution. Other kinds of legitimating processes should instead be considered by contemporary political theory -- for example, considering how people make their political choices like consumers in the free market. Adapted from the source document.
This chapter deals with the relationships between the depoliticization and repoliticisation dynamics concerning public actions and the framing of the collective issues and the most important phenomenon of change affecting contemporary politics and political systems, populism. Contemporary populisms can be interpreted as a consequence of the depoliticisation processes triggered by the advent of post-democracy and neoliberalism, as well as of the connected processes of globalization and Europeanization of public policies. Later, the global economic and financial crisis and the austerity-driven policies added new strength to the populist reactions. Analyzing the Italian case the authors try to understand whether the agendas and policies carried out by populists leading governments or heavily influencing policy making induce forms of re-politicization of both public actions and the related issues. The chapter provides evidence on the potential effects of re-politicization caused by populism.
La presente tesi ha ad oggetto il tema dei canali regolari e sicuri di accesso al territorio dell'Unione Europea per migranti e richiedenti asilo. L'obiettivo è valutare se e in che misura l'Unione Europea si stia conformando ai principi di diritto internazionale dei rifugiati e dei diritti umani, e agli standard di governance delle migrazioni che si vanno affermando a livello globale, in particolare in seguito all'adozione della Dichiarazione di New York su migranti e rifugiati e dei due rispettivi Global Compact. La prima parte prende in esame la graduale affermazione di regole di condotta e obiettivi comuni di governance migratoria, derivanti dall'interazione fra strumenti giuridici e strumenti di policy, tanto a livello globale, quanto a livello regionale. La seconda parte mira a ricostruire il quadro dei canali regolari di ingresso esistenti, con l'obiettivo di valutare se l'Unione Europea sia effettivamente capace di veicolare prassi virtuose in questo settore, consentendo l'ammissione e l'integrazione sul proprio territorio di migranti e richiedenti asilo in una prospettiva di lungo periodo. In quest'ottica viene presa in considerazione anche la dimensione esterna della politica migratoria, al fine di capire se nella cooperazione con i paesi terzi di origine e transito dei flussi l'Unione e i suoi stati membri perseguano una mera esternalizzazione delle frontiere – e dunque delle responsabilità – ad ogni costo, o se, al contrario, tale politica sia accompagnata dalla volontà di incentivare l'effettiva apertura di canali regolari e sicuri di ingresso. The present research addresses the issue of safe and regular access to the territory of the European Union, with the aim to evaluate whether and to what extent such regional organization adheres to the principles of international refugee and human rights law and to the standards on migration governance emerging at global level, in particular with the adoption of the New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants and of the two UN Global Compacts. The first part focuses on the gradual affirmation of common rules of conduct and goals governing migration management, as a result of the adoption and interaction of legal and policy instruments, both at regional and international level. The second part aims to reconstruct the existing framework of legal channels for the admission and stay of third-country nationals on the territory of the European Union, with the aim to evaluate whether the European Union is effectively able to foster best practices at regional level in this area, enabling the admission and integration on a long-term basis of migrants and asylum seekers. In this view it is also evaluated whether in the cooperation with third countries the EU and its Member States merely pursue the externalization of migration control and responsibilities at any cost, or whether their external policy is also aimed to incentivize the effective opening of regular migration routes.
In a context of growing concern about the impacts of climate change and increasing alarmism toward migration phenomena, the possibility of "environmental migration" attracts considerable attention. What are the (in)desired effects of such an encounter? This volume sets out to decolonize the imaginary, seeking to deconstruct privilege (primarily that of the researcher), and use intersectional, decolonial, and feminist lenses to decentralize the image and construct new paradigms about narratives about the nexus between climate change and migration. The goal is to accompany readers to a new concept, that of Panicocene, the age of panic, a time when the two phenomena that characterize the contemporary meet in a unique narrative, an emergency squared that causes stasis and ineptitude. Panicocene thus encapsulates both the state of the art of research conducted in recent years and the starting point for future research. Panicocene, in fact, is also the title of the Marie Curie Global Fellowship project, which investigates the narratives and imaginaries of the nexus between the climate crisis and mobilities, to which the book provides an initial critical reflection.
Research in comparative politics has shown a renewed interest in the relation between political parties and the state. However, we know comparatively little about patronage - defined as the power of political parties to distribute public sector posts - as a key dimension of the linkage between political parties and the state. This article, based on comparative empirical evidence on patterns of patronage in 15 European democracies, has two central goals. First, it seeks to empirically evaluate commonalities and differences among European democracies with respect to patronage and its pervasiveness, logic and mechanics. Second, it considers the new light that the empirical analysis sheds on the contemporary explanations of patronage. The empirical analysis suggests that it is the interaction of administrative legacy effects with patterns of party system consolidation and crisis that accounts for the differences in contemporary patronage practices.
Recent EU migration policies, traditionally centred on migrants' mobility governance, have increasingly been focused, since 2015, on the managing of the so-called refugee crisis. This transition has been accompanied by a new discursive and visual representation of migration, within which the impressive image of Aylan Kurdi and the chaotic and confused images of the Sylvester Night in Colonia, in 2015, take a significant role. This article analyses the impact of these two events, as they were narrated by the media, by identifying a nonlinear process which has led from the perception of a migrant crisis to the one of a refugee crisis and, consequently, from the implementation of EU anti-migration policies to the implementation of anti-refugee policies. ; 1 ; DOI non ancora attivato 10.6092/issn.1974-4935/7130 ; alessandra.sciurba@unibg.it ; open ; Non definito ; open ; Sciurba, Alessandra ; Sciurba, Alessandra
By raising the question on what made geopolitical equilibrium a tool for understanding international politics, the article discusses differences between classical and modern balance of power, and between balance of power and geopolitical equilibrium. The principal argument is that geopolitical equilibrium is, in scope, global. The second claim about the nature of geopolitical equilibrium concerns modern territoriality. Geopolitical equilibrium bases on occurrence of central powers in global politics, not on modern inter-state relations; therefore, it represents the tendency to stability in a pluralistic world-system. As a result, geopolitics remains a realistic alternative to cosmopolitism for understanding social order in global age. Adapted from the source document.
Printed at the Daily Malta Chronicle, Valletta. ; English version, titled "Remarks of the Chamber of Advocates of Malta addressed to His Majesty's government, to both Houses of Parliament, and to the Malta Government upon those parts of the report of the Malta Royal Commission published on the 22nd April 1912, which concern judicial procedure and the language question in Malta" can be found at https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar//handle/123456789/16875 ; Observations of the Chamber of Advocates of Malta on those parts of the report of the Royal Commission on Malta published April 22, 1912 relating to judicial procedure, and the language question. ; N/A
Research in comparative politics has shown a renewed interest in the relation between political parties and the state. However, we know comparatively little about patronage -- defined as the power of political parties to distribute public sector posts -- as a key dimension of the linkage between political parties and the state. This article, based on comparative empirical evidence on patterns of patronage in 15 European democracies, has two central goals. First, it seeks to empirically evaluate commonalities and differences among European democracies with respect to patronage and its pervasiveness, logic and mechanics. Second, it considers the new light that the empirical analysis sheds on the contemporary explanations of patronage. The empirical analysis suggests that it is the interaction of administrative legacy effects with patterns of party system consolidation and crisis that accounts for the differences in contemporary patronage practices. Adapted from the source document.
This paper aims to reflect on the relationship between global and interculturaleducation. According to the "Global Education Charter" of the EuropeanCouncil, Global Education can be defined as the possibility/ability toeducate people to participate during their lives actively and responsibly inbuilding a global future in peace, in realizing an intercultural dialogue, insupporting education to beauty, and to the protection and preservation ofthe environment and of all living species. It means that Global Education isboth a theoretic perspective wider than "simple" intercultural education,and more directly connected with a global sensibility and with a deeperknowledge of planetary problems like migrations, wars, famine, structuralviolence, climatic change, ecologic disasters, human rights. It also implies atrue interdisciplinary approach which is really able to connect educationtheories to anthropological, sociological, political and epistemologicalmodels. ; Questo scritto intende riflettere sui rapporti tra la Global Education e lapedagogia interculturale. Partendo dalla "Global Education Charter" elaboratadal Consiglio Europeo, la Global Education può essere definite come lacapacità di educare le persone nel corso della loro vita a partecipare attivamentee responsabilmente alla costruzione di un futuro planetario all'insegnadella pace, del dialogo interculturale, dell'educazione al bello, dellatutela e della salvaguardia dell'ambiente e di tutte le specie viventi. Daquesto punto di vista è necessario sviluppare una sensibilità e unaconoscenza verso tematiche di ordine planetario – le migrazioni, le guerre,la fame, la povertà, la violenza strutturale, i disastri ambientali, il cambiamentoclimatico, i diritti umani, la democrazia – utilizzando una prospettivainterdisciplinare, capace di evidenziare fattori cruciali nella teorizzazionedella pedagogia: antropologico-formativi, socio-politici, epistemologico-culturali.
In Ghana, health decentralization processes are promoted since first years of 2000, and they are developed and organized on the base of administrative decentralization. Two of the most important health decentralization and health promotion projects are the Community Based Health Planning and Service (CHPS) and the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS), that are spreading within African continent with different forms. In this paper I want to outline the structure and the characteristics of these projects, to observe qualitative and quantitative influence they present in a local and rural context like Jomoro District (Western Region, Ghana), and to analyze the current management of Ghanaian Public Health. Nevertheless, it is relevant observing the integration politics between biomedicine and other therapeutic traditions presented in the social context, to outline a complete description of health system. Decentralisation and integration politics are important programmes promoted by Ministry of Health. Therefore, after a short presentation of legitimation processes of traditional medicine, I"ll investigate the current professionalization politics of traditional healers and integration between different medical resources proposed by the Ministry of Health. This Kind of integration is very different from the "informal integration" present in a local context (Jomoro District), and induces to underline a radical dichotomy between politics and practices. At the end, the aim is to investigate reductionism of ministerial programs related to traditional medicine, apparent inclusionism of Ghanaian health politics, very distant from social actors" behaviors, and to debate on democratisation and privatization processes following current ri-definitions of health systems. ; In Ghana, health decentralization processes are promoted since first years of 2000, and they are developed and organized on the base of administrative decentralization. Two of the most important health decentralization and health promotion projects are the Community Based Health Planning and Service (CHPS) and the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS), that are spreading within African continent with different forms. In this paper I want to outline the structure and the characteristics of these projects, to observe qualitative and quantitative influence they present in a local and rural context like Jomoro District (Western Region, Ghana), and to analyze the current management of Ghanaian Public Health. Nevertheless, it is relevant observing the integration politics between biomedicine and other therapeutic traditions presented in the social context, to outline a complete description of health system. Decentralisation and integration politics are important programmes promoted by Ministry of Health. Therefore, after a short presentation of legitimation processes of traditional medicine, I"ll investigate the current professionalization politics of traditional healers and integration between different medical resources proposed by the Ministry of Health. This Kind of integration is very different from the "informal integration" present in a local context (Jomoro District), and induces to underline a radical dichotomy between politics and practices. At the end, the aim is to investigate reductionism of ministerial programs related to traditional medicine, apparent inclusionism of Ghanaian health politics, very distant from social actors" behaviors, and to debate on democratisation and privatization processes following current ri-definitions of health systems.
