Suchergebnisse

Il tema di questa tesi è il riconoscimento. La scelta deriva dalla precedente esperienza sul campo con i migranti, che ha messo in luce come l'approccio razionalistico corrente sia insufficiente a soddisfare le esigenze che essi manifestano. Si tratta di un approccio rivolto a persone per cui non è prevista una collocazione "intima" nel contesto d'accoglienza. Pone perciò il problema dell'appartenenza, che richiederebbe altri registri, accantonati però nella cultura occidentale sin dall'avvento della modernità. Il lavoro inizia con la disamina dei concetti sociologici fondamentali per l'argomento e con l'approfondimento delle questioni che ne emergono, come la comunicazione e l'importanza del linguaggio nella costruzione di soggetti e tematiche. Pone poi i temi centrali attraverso lo studio delle interviste e dei focus group da me realizzati e si interroga sul da fare. Ne emerge una posizione che invoca un cambio di registro, che viene proposto in una prospettiva di mediazione con quanto elaborato finora dagli appartenenti al canone moderno. È un approccio che richiede un paradigma inclusivo e un pensiero complesso e attui un riequilibrio delle posizioni che porti all'attribuzione di pari dignità ai registri che sono rimasti ai margini della riflessione. Il problema dei migranti è un indicatore di una crisi interna agli stati di destinazione: le stesse comunità d'accoglienza stanno perdendo unità e coesione e da ciò deriva l'incapacità ad accogliere. Tutto questo si inserisce in un quadro di grande complessità, dove la crisi dello stato-nazione innesca dinamiche opposte che spingono al localismo da una parte, al superamento delle vecchie configurazioni dall'altra, verso organismi sovranazionali. Il problema del riconoscimento è lo specchio di noi: obbliga a confrontarsi con l'ideale della cittadinanza globale e con le possibili forme della sua attuabilità e a elaborare nuove politiche che recuperino il livello etico-normativo e la capacità di un dialogo tra i livelli locale-nazionale-internazionale. ; This work is about recognition. It is a choice that comes from my previous field experience with migrants, that made me understand that the current, rationalistic approach is not enough to satisfy their complex exigencies. It is aimed at people who are not to "intimately" belong to their destination context. It brings to the fore the problem of belonging, whose solution would require the acknowledgement of human dimensions that Western culture has put aside since the advent of Modernity. The thesis starts with the exam of essential sociological concepts and goes on to discuss the main questions that arise from it, such as communication and the importance of language in framing subjects and discourses. Its crucial themes are then developed through the study of interviews and focus groups I collected. Possible solutions are the next issue: I contend that a paradigmatic change is needed, so as to mediate between what modernity has already done and a complex thought that should bring about equal dignity for the different perspectives from which coexistence can be viewed. The issue with migrants is better understood as the indicator of a crisis in the destination countries, where the existing communities are losing unity and cohesion and are therefore not up to welcoming others. All this is part of a bigger picture, where the crisis of the Nation state triggers divergent dynamics that push on the one hand towards localism, on the other towards new configurations where supranational organizations come into play. The problem of recognition forces us to face the ideal of global citizenship and the thinkable ways of its realization. Moreover it urges us to develop new politics that focus on the relation between ethics and regulation and on the importance of a dialogue among the local, national and international levels.

The current pandemics is not the wellspring of a single conflict between men and nature, but of manifold inter-human conflicts. The Covid-19 and the fight against it cannot overcome the conditionings and the spatial determinations which articulate our life on this planet, but rather are partially dependent on such determinations and to a certain extent intensify them. The pandemic cannot escape geopolitics and geoeconomics, nor does it allow us to escape these dimensions. The oxymoron «geo-pandemics», which combines a parceled spatiality with the world-wide spread of the infection, is the result of this dynamics, and suggests that the current pandemics is not a natural fact, but a social, political, economic and cultural one, which involves a confrontation between East and West, North and South, public and private realms. Space – understood as a system of spatially situated differences of political and economic power, scientific knowledge and organizational capacities – remains a crucial dimension for the fight against Covid-19. «Geo-healthcare» is the differentiated answer to this challenge. ; La pandémie n'est pas la source d'un seul conflit homme-nature, mais de nombreux conflits inte rhumains ; le Covid et la lutte contre celui-ci ne peu-vent surmonter les conditions et les déterminations spatiales dans lesquelles s'articule notre vie sur la planète : ils y sont en partie soumis, et en partie ils les intensifient. La pandémie n'échappe pas, et ne permet pas d'échapper, à la géopolitique et à la géoéconomie ; l'oxymore «géo-pandémie», qui réunit la spatialité parcellaire et l'universalité de la contagion, est le résultat de cette dynamique. Et cela signifie que la pandémie est un fait social, politique, économique, culturel, et non un fait naturel, dans lequel s'affrontent l'Est et l'Ouest, le Nord et le Sud, le public et le privé. L'espace - les différences spatialement disloquées en matière de pouvoir politique et économique, de connaissances scientifiques et de capacité d'organisation - est la dimension décisive des stratégies anti-Covid. La réponse sanitaire différenciée à cette situation est la «géo -sanité» ; The current pandemics is not the wellspring of a single conflict between men and nature, but of manifold inter-human conflicts. The Covid-19 and the fight against it cannot overcome the conditionings and the spatial determinations which articulate our life on this planet, but rather are partially dependent on such determinations and to a certain extent intensify them. The pandemic cannot escape geopolitics and geoeconomics, nor does it allow us to escape these dimensions. The oxymoron «geo-pandemics», which combines a parceled spatiality with the world-wide spread of the infection, is the result of this dynamics, and suggests that the current pandemics is not a natural fact, but a social, political, economic and cultural one, which involves a confrontation between East and West, North and South, public and private realms. Space – understood as a system of spatially situated differences of political and economic power, scientific knowledge and organizational capacities – remains a crucial dimension for the fight against Covid-19. «Geo-healthcare» is the differentiated answer to this challenge.

In the late nineteenth century Populism was a major feature of US politics and society. It originated as an agrarian revolt born in response to the crisis of American agriculture vis-à-vis industrialization and the opening of global markets for agricultural products. The ensuing Populist movement involved millions of farmers in the Southern and Mid-Western rural areas hit by the crisis and it spilled over into local and national elections, eventually spreading to other regions and including sections of the emerging middle class, thus posing a formidable challenge to the established two-party system. Though it ultimately failed to bring about an electoral realignment, its influence was nonetheless significant and long-lasting. The Populists instigated political and economic reforms for decades to come while actively partaking in the cultural transformations of the time. Populism, however, generated a culture that was both forward- and backward looking, and as it continued to affect politics over the course of the twentieth and early twenty-first century, its majoritarian impulse inspired new forms of democratic inclusion as well as threats to minorities and republican institutions. This complex phenomenon and its many ramifications have engaged generations of historians, whose political sensibilities changed as events unfolded and scholarly research proceeded. At a time when Populism has once occupied center stage in America, it is worth looking back at its origins and pondering how the historiography has tried to make sense of it.

The volume approaches Cuba as a nation that hosts a convergence of extraordinary global developments and, in turn, projects itself onto the world's major cultural, political and economic processes. From different perspectives, ranging from architecture and music to politics and economics, the twenty-one essays presented here embrace the multifaceted interactions between Cuba and foreign imperial strategies during the 19th century, the troublesome formation of national political cultures in the first half of the 20th century, and the multiple global aspects of some of Cuba's choices from the Cold War to the first decade of the present century. - The volume approaches Cuba as a nation that hosts a convergence of extraordinary global developments and, in turn, projects itself onto the world's major cultural, political and economic processes. From different perspectives, ranging from architecture and music to politics and economics, the twenty-one essays presented here embrace the multifaceted interactions between Cuba and foreign imperial strategies during the 19th century, the troublesome formation of national political cultures in the first half of the 20th century, and the multiple global aspects of some of Cuba's choices from the Cold War to the first decade of the present century.

This book is a synthesis of the great migrations of the 6th-13th centuries, focused on the median space between the two extremes of the Eurasian continent: Western Europe and Eastern Asia. In the light of the sources, it aims to reassess the complexity of the relationships between the nomads of the steppes and the sedentarized societies that came into contact with them. The choice to focus on the Qïpčaq-Cumans is due to their history, unique because they never constituted an organized and centralized center of collective power (stateless nomads); and paradigmatic, because it encompasses all the constitutive elements of steppe nomadism: social heterogeneity, mobility, military preparation, attraction for trade and willingness to negotiate. The migrations of the nomads of the steppes and their arrival close to the great organized communities of the Islamic and Christian world, from Asia to Europe, contributed to triggering a process of integration between Asia and the Mediterranean basin, a process that the Mongol invasion and conquest completed, giving birth to a new shared global space.

The present study investigates how Italian and German populist leaders use conceptual metaphors on their Facebook pages to describe the migration crisis that has hit their respective Countries. By means of Conceptual Metaphor Theory and Critical Discourse Analysis, metaphors are examined as a means of representing migration in mass media. The aim is to analyse the creation of the different metaphoric representations in the reference languages as well as to ascertain possible intercultural differences or common argumentative patterns which might be identified in the media language of the two politicians. The research is based on a corpus of posts shared on Facebook from January 2017 to December 2018 by the Italian leader of "Lega Nord" Matteo Salvini and from the German leader of "Alternative für Deutschland" Jörg Meuthen. The contrastive analysis of metaphors representing migration and migrants in Salvini's and Metuthen's posts shows that migration is represented with negative conceptual potential through images transmitting anxiety, despair, threats to life. In addition, the results show how the Facebook posts reproduce a "distorted" perception of immigrants and, consequently, a state of insecurity and general panic.

The 26th Report on migrations by ISMU Foundation situates migration phenomena in Italy within the broader framework of the sudden outbreak and spread of COVID-19. The report analyzes the enduring impact of the pandemic on migration flows as well as on foreign residents in Italy. Statistical aspects and analyses of health, labour, and education are complemented with an in-depth study of the Italian legal framework, with particular regard to the most important legislative innovation on migration introduced in 2020: the regularization of migrant workers. The report is further complemented with detailed analyses of the link between immigration, politics, and the media, of racism, and of discrimination during the pandemic. Finally, the report devotes particular attention to the European arena, focusing on the new perspectives for European migration policy.

The volume approaches Cuba as a nation that hosts a convergence of extraordinary global developments and, in turn, projects itself onto the world's major cultural, political and economic processes. From different perspectives, ranging from architecture and music to politics and economics, the twenty-one essays presented here embrace the multifaceted interactions between Cuba and foreign imperial strategies during the 19th century, the troublesome formation of national political cultures in the first half of the 20th century, and the multiple global aspects of some of Cuba's choices from the Cold War to the first decade of the present century

The volume approaches Cuba as a nation that hosts a convergence of extraordinary global developments and, in turn, projects itself onto the world's major cultural, political and economic processes. From different perspectives, ranging from architecture and music to politics and economics, the twenty-one essays presented here embrace the multifaceted interactions between Cuba and foreign imperial strategies during the 19th century, the troublesome formation of national political cultures in the first half of the 20th century, and the multiple global aspects of some of Cuba's choices from the Cold War to the first decade of the present century.

Abstract – The phenomenon of migration is one of the things which has had the greatest influence on the history of humanity, involving millions of people. Today men and women of all ages, mostly young people from economically disadvantaged areas of the planet, migrate from one continent to another, for economic, political or religious reasons. They move towards geopolitical areas which are economically and politically less troubled, leaving others where the living conditions are no longer possible. In some cases, it is a question of looking for better conditions of existence (economic causes); in other cases of mere survival (political and religious causes). Both for operational reasons and of interpretation, it is necessary to distinguish between the causes of expulsion and the consequent migration types. It is important to understand whether we are facing migration of a political or an economic nature, but it should be noted, also, that it is increasingly difficult to distinguish between politics and economics. It is a movement that creates upheaval and irreversible processes in both the countries of departure and destination. We are therefore facing a historical process of enormous importance that contributes to change the human geography and the international scene. We are facing two large economic and political areas: one of expulsion and another of attraction, with two very different types of living conditions. Every generation enjoys a condition of life and existence merely because it is born in one place rather than in another; an ascribed status that can even prevent attempts at all forms of mobility. A geographical area that is seeing its attractiveness increase is that of the EU; partly because of its colonial history, but also because of its geo-economic-political position, and also recently because of the upheavals following the fall of regimes in Eastern Europe and in the Middle East.

The present research aims to give a contribution to the Sardinian history of migration in the post-war when, the economic plight, the high level of unemployment and the political instability leaded the Italian government to encourage mass emigration. The first chapter analyses studies on Sardinian migration within the Italian and international historiography, to highlight the relevance to the paradigms resulted during that time. The second chapter examines in depth the immediate post-war period, when Sardinia was facing a new political and administrative balance, and it analyses the national politics on migration into the island, as it was perceived by locals, moreover the operation of peripheral structures of the Ministry of labour in the management of internal and external labour employment. The third chapter outlines the main feature of the Sardinian migration flow, the development of migrants associations and their relation with the regional politic.

The issue of the link between migration and development is increasingly relevant in the global political agenda. However, the scientific discussion concerning the increased migratory flows seems to be more focused on the questions regarding admission and / or rejection of migrants on the territory of receiving countries than on the general topic of the contribution of migrants to the financial, social and cultural development of societies (of origin, transit, or destination). The volume aims at offering food for thought for the analysis of the changes occurring in modern societies, that are asked to answer thoroughly to economic and forced migration. The goal of the volume is to open discussion among experts, scholars and policy-makers, on the problematic questions, outcomes, implications and achievements on migration and development.