Among the so-called post-industrial countries Japan is exceptional with regard to immigration policy. Despite the supply of foreigners who would like to live and work in Japan, as well as the demand for their labour, the government succeeds to maintain its restrictive policy and construct a discourse which conceals the nature of labour migration to Japan. Based on academic literature on migration to Japan, as well as on qualitative research in Tokyo, conducted during the two-month-long fieldwork, this paper argues that the patterns in which the official discourse and the legal framework conceals labour migration push foreigners to craft their identities accordingly, and engage in "performative" migration, which, in turn, is met with suspicion from the government. Adapted from the source document.
The article is dedicated to the discussion about the notions of the 'political system' and 'political regime' in the fields of its meanings as autonomous analytical constructions. The main arguments are that the 'political system' describes a stable and normal political process and determinate interrelations between power structures and civil society institutions as a complex sociopolitical unity. On the other hand, concept of 'political regime' stresses dynamic aspects of the government activity as a realization of the basic political functions. Pointing to the fact that a political system explains events and relations in the modern democratic context and a regime -- its peculiarities in the process of decision-making, the authors share attention to specific negative aspects of the separate interpretation and recognition of the various forms in the national politics spheres. All these conditions may sharp influence over the quality of the authority decisions, feedback among political institutions as a civic interests representatives etc. And otherwise, this implies that the political systems and political regimes realize an isomorphic similarity for taking evasive action between them. Adapted from the source document.
The article analyses the aesthetic dimension of Chinese propaganda in Russia. The analysis seeks to identify the aesthetic component of Chinese propaganda in Russia as the fundamental, synthesising catalyst of Russian Sinophilia which unites several factors. The aesthetic aspect of Chinese propaganda in Russia is revealed through an analysis of official PRC websites in Russian, which clarifies a close connection between form and content in propaganda. The form quite often acquires a function which not only imparts the content, but also corrects it and uses it to manipulate and dominate. The analysis names as Russia's Achilles' heel its unbridled and unshakeable belief in its unique and inevitable Messianic mission in World History. This is its weak spot exploited by Chinese propaganda. The Russian reaction to Chinese propaganda is analysed, invoking the categories of both Sinophilia and Sinophobia. It is asserted that Chinese propaganda in Russia relies on the principles of involvement and participation, which are based on cultural exoticism and Confucian philosophy. To sum up, Chinese propaganda in Russia is identified as part of a plan/strategy for the establishment and maintenance of a grand, universal, practical, cosmopolitan Chinese philosophy or world order at the level of a global international system and world politics. Adapted from the source document.
Siame straipsnyje siekiama aprasyti ir paaiskinti esminius agenturu vadovu politizacijos, agenturu skaiciaus ir ju valdymo pokycius, taip pat nustatyti, koks buvo ES poveikis tiems dalykams. Straipsnis pagristas teoriniu europeizacijos ir viesosios politikos poziuriu sinteze, taip pat turimos informacijos ir statistiniu duomenu analize. Nors ES reiksmingai prisidejo prie nauju agenturu isteigimo, jos poveikis siu agenturu islikimui issipletus ES buvo kur kas mazesnis. ES dare itaka agenturu vadovu politizacijos mazejimui per specifinius acquis reikalavimus, o ne politines narystes ES salygas. Tyrimo rezultatai rodo diferencijuota ES poveiki: europeizuotu agenturu valdymas po truputi darosi profesionalesnis, palyginti su neeuropeizuotomis agenturomis The paper compares the actual patterns of agencification and depoliticisation in Lithuania and explains the extent to which the EU contributed to these changes. Based on the transformational approach and theories of public policy process, our framework for analysis links external factors (including the EU's influence), internal factors and our dependent variables (changes in public administration and the impact of the EU). Our research employs (descriptive and inferential) statistical analysis of data on the organisational changes of Lithuanian agencies and political participation of their managers. Furthermore, it follows a longitudinal approach to observe 'net changes' by mapping agencification and politicisation throughout the period 1990-2012. The paper found that the EU made a significant contribution to the establishment of new agencies driven by the exigencies of EU accession, but its impact on the survival of Europeanised agencies was much smaller after enlargement. Overall, the results of our research confirm the stronger and more enduring impact of specific acquis rules in the EU policy domains compared to the much weaker influence of the EU's political conditionality. Furthermore, it points to the importance of interactions between domestic actors that realise particular beliefs and pursue certain strategies to understanding institutional and policy changes at domestic level. Adapted from the source document.
Political corruption in Japan is a very important issue. According to the Global Corruption Barometer 2009 survey Japanese perceived political parties, public officials and civil servants to be the institutions which are the most affected by corruption. In addition, governmental measures against corruption are regarded to be ineffective and inadequate to the real situation. Japanese have keen concern toward Japanese political parties, intransparent activity of politicians and preventive measures taken by government. The purpose of this research is to examine political corruption phenomena in contemporary Japanese politics. Research questions are what are the structure, scale, and causes of political corruption in Japan during 2001-2009. For answering to these research questions first of all it is discussed the concept and definition of political corruption itself. Article overviews previous political corruption studies in Japan from the time of Second World War to the recent times, including the report of the Transparency International National Integrity System. In third chapter of article the scale, the varieties and the main practitioners of political corruption in Japan are to be analyzed. It reveals the biggest political corruption scandals in Japanese politics in given time-period. Last chapter focuses on the explanation of political corruption mechanism in Japan and in particular relationship with clientelism practises. Combination of primary and secondary sources led me to make the following conclusions on the main political corruption tendencies in Japan during 2001-2009. First, the Asahi Shimbun front page content analysis indicates that 2002 and 2007 are special years in the context of corruption studies because in those years published the largest number of political corruption articles and the biggest number of the new themes on the political corruption issue revealed. Second, the common point of the three most significant political corruption scandals during 2001-2009 is that all of them have the relationship with political finance issue and in particular a suspicion on the violation of the PFRL. This finding reaffirms the NIS statement that political finance is one of the top priority issues in Japanese corruption scheme. Third, illegal political donation and influence peddling are the most frequent types of corruption in Japan during the period of 2001-2009. Fourth, main practitioners of political corruption in Japan were the LDP members from the House of Representatives. In addition, in as many as nine cases the Diet member secretaries were involved in political corruption scandals. The Diet member secretaries play an important role in political corruption scheme because they are often responsible for the political fund management. Fifth, the most vulnerable institution to political corruption seems to be Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries and Ministry of Construction. Finally, article concludes that political corruption in Japan, to some extent, could be explained through the analysis of political clientelism. Adapted from the source document.
Straipsnio objektas yra pokyciai Lietuvoje ir ju vertinimas is visuomenes ir elito perspektyvos. Todel pirmojoje dalyje, naudojantis pokycius ekonomikos, visuomenes ir valdymo srityse fiksuojanciais ivairiais rodikliais ir indeksais, yra apibudinami pagrindiniai bendrieji pokyciai Lietuvoje 2004-2014 m. Jie rodo sparcia Lietuvos ekonomine konvergencija su Europos Sajunga, didesne aukstaji ir vidurini issimokslinima igijusiu Lietuvos gyventoju dali ir pailgejusius sveiko gyvenimo metus, taciau taip pat stagnacija daugumos strukturiniu ilgalaike pazanga lemianciu rodikliu atzvilgiu. Straipsnyje taip pat nagrinejama paskutinio desimtmecio viesosios politikos kaita ir jos pokyciu saltiniai. Daroma isvada, jog, nepaisant galimybiu po 2004 m. nacionalizuoti viesosios politikos darbotvarke, joje ir toliau svar biavieta uzima ES klausimai, o pokycius viesojoje politikoje lyginant su laikotarpiu pries stojant i ES, jie buvo mazesni. Antroji straipsnio dalis analizuoja, kaip pokycius Lietuvoje vertina gyventojai ir elitas ir koks siu vertinimu santykis. Lietuvos politinio elito apklausos duomenys parode, jog elitas didziausius ir labai teigiamus pokycius 2004-2014 m. mato esant valstybes tarnybos gebejimu srityje ir igyvendinant vienodo teises aktu taikymo principa. Visuomene pokycius vertina pesimistiskiau, egzistuoja visuomenes ir elito vertinimu atotrukis. Straipsnyje teigiama, kad pesimistines gyventoju nuotaikas lemia del ES paramos reiksmingai nepasikeitusi visuomenes nelygybes struktura ir neispildyti dideli gyventoju ekonominiai lukesciai. Be to, gavus ES strukturine parama padidejes Lietuvos biudzetas dar paskatino valstybes uzgrobima ir korupcija, del kuriu tikrojo ir isivaizduojamo masto visuomene yra pesimistiskesne ir bendruju pokyciu atzvilgiu The object of the article is changes in Lithuania during the EU membership period and the perception of them in the eyes of the elite and Lithuanian society. It reviews the main general changes in economics, society, and governance in 2004-2014 using various indicators and indexes. Furthermore, public policy development analysis states that despite the fact that after accession in 2004 there were opportunities to nationalize public policy agenda, it was still dominated by the EU related questions. In the second section authors compare attitudes towards changes between Lithuanian elite members and Lithuanian society. Article argues that Lithuanian society tends to evaluate the same changes rather differently and its attitudes are more pessimistic. Therefore, based on process tracing methodology, the authors explain how unfulfilled high economic expectations contributed to distrust of political institutions, high perception of corruption, low turnout, and migration. In addition, it is also argued that financial support of the EU stimulated state capture initiatives and corruption in Lithuania which also contributed to the pessimistic evaluations of changes by society. Adapted from the source document.
Partisan activity has been the main and the most important mode of institutionalized political participation (in addition to electoral participation) in the modern democracy. Even though mass party membership is a distinct feature of modern political system (although not necessarily democratic), since 1960-ies the decline of party membership is observed in many democratic countries. Lithuania is a typical example of post-communist region, where party membership is regarded as a specific elitist activity rather than an ordinary practice of political involvement. In the article, the attitudes of Lithuanians towards party membership are analyzed to answer the question if and why people are not keen to join political parties. Public attitudes are explored using the data of a representative public opinion survey carried out in 2005 and qualitative data of in-depth interviews with ordinary people collected in 2008. Using a mixed method research strategy, the article analyses the image of political parties in Lithuania, determines the potential of party membership and investigates the dominant reasons of avoiding partisan activity. In the first part of the article, the theories explaining partisan activity are presented. In addition to Civic voluntarism model and General incentives theory used by Paul Whiteley and Patrick Seyd to explain partisan activity, the broader theories explaining changes of political culture and transformation of party models are discussed. Moreover, the theoretical arguments for the exceptionalism of post-communist societies are presented. In the second part of the article, the analysis of the qualitative data is presented. The exploration of public attitudes reveals that partisan activity can be perceived in several different ways: as a specific occupation, as a civic self-expression, as belonging to power elite, as a privilege, as dependence, and as partiality. These images of parties held by people are related to their attitudes towards party membership. The reasons provided by the people of not joining political parties can be grouped into three groups: 1) the lack of necessary resources or personal characteristics (e.g. old age, low education, etc.); 2) critical attitudes towards political parties; 3) dislike of partisan activity because of indifference towards politics or individualism and appreciation of personal independence. In the third part, the quantitative data drawn from the public opinion survey is analysed. The data shows a surprisingly high potential of party membership in Lithuania: about 11 percent of all respondents and about 20 percent of respondents in the age group of 18-39 have an inclination to join a political party. However, 87 percent of individuals admit that they were not invited to join a political party during the last 5 years. This proves that Lithuanian political parties are not active in expanding their membership. The quantitative data approve the trends observed from the qualitative research. The two most popular reasons of not joining a party are the lack of resources or necessary characteristics (surprisingly, young age seems to be one of the most important of them) and an indifference towards politics. These two motives fit well into the Civic voluntarism model. Disappointment with politics or a negative attitude towards political parties in general, contrary to expectations, proved to be of secondary importance. The importance of individualist attitudes, i.e. the avoidance of commitment and appreciation of independence, unfortunately, could not be evaluated due to the lack of data. Summing up, the analysis of Lithuanian case suggests that low party membership in post-communist countries might be explained by low demand rather than low supply. In other words, we should look for the explanation of low enrolment in the process of recruitment of party members rather than in the attitudes of people. The research do not provide any evidence for a popular theory of "communist legacy" claiming that a "bad" image of parties inherited from communist regime accounts for the low party membership in post-communist societies. On the contrary, the data demonstrate rather positive attitudes towards partisan activity among Lithuanian population. Adapted from the source document.
