Suchergebnisse

Analyzes the empirical validity of cultural differences, ideological, competition, middleman-minority, & political process theories for explaining black-Korean conflict. Data were drawn from newspaper accounts of boycotts & intergroup violence published 1980-1995 in local papers from a cross-geographic sample of 39 major US cities. The search revealed 40 boycotts distributed across 13 cities & 69 reports of black-Korean violence distributed across 16 cities. The results of two regression models, one using boycotts & the other using intergroup violence as the dependent variable, showed that the boycott model gave credence to a political process explanation for the distribution of boycotting, but showed a complete lack of support for cultural differences, middleman-minority, & competition theories. Conversely, the intergroup violence model did not support political process theories. Although it revealed significant coefficients related to cultural-differences, middleman-minority, & competition theories, they were insufficient to indicate support for any of these explanations. It is concluded that sociological dimensions of economic competition may account for violence but boycotts are better explained by the nature of local political systems. The implications are discussed. 2 Tables, 1 Figure, 25 References. J. Lindroth

Analyzes the empirical validity of cultural differences, ideological, competition, middleman-minority, & political process theories for explaining black-Korean conflict. Data were drawn from newspaper accounts of boycotts & intergroup violence published 1980-1995 in local papers from a cross-geographic sample of 39 major US cities. The search revealed 40 boycotts distributed across 13 cities & 69 reports of black-Korean violence distributed across 16 cities. The results of two regression models, one using boycotts & the other using intergroup violence as the dependent variable, showed that the boycott model gave credence to a political process explanation for the distribution of boycotting, but showed a complete lack of support for cultural differences, middleman-minority, & competition theories. Conversely, the intergroup violence model did not support political process theories. Although it revealed significant coefficients related to cultural-differences, middleman-minority, & competition theories, they were insufficient to indicate support for any of these explanations. It is concluded that sociological dimensions of economic competition may account for violence but boycotts are better explained by the nature of local political systems. The implications are discussed. 2 Tables, 1 Figure, 25 References. J. Lindroth

"Residential segregation is a characteristic element of Latin American cities with powerful impacts on both physical land use and social relations of citizens from different socio-economic or ethnic backgrounds. In Santiago de Chile, the traditional segregation patterns have changed in the last two decades. In some areas, segregation has expanded with a trend towards growing malignancy and stigmatization of residential neighbourhoods or even entire municipalities. On the other hand, the spatial and geographical scale has been decreasing, creating a 'new' socio-spatial mix. This article explores the relations of these dynamic processes with intra-urban migration flows of different socio-economic groups. It discusses policy options for social integration and identifies further research areas." (author's abstract)

The chapter discusses the historical development of styles of scientific management of capitalist accumulation crises in the twentieth century. These management methods are Taylorism, which arose in the early part of the century; Fordism, which was shaped by the Great Depression & emerged fully after World War II; & neo-Fordism, a mode suited to the labor-organizational needs of global capitalism, utilizing information technology & diffusing decision-making without actually decentralizing corporate control. The author explicated neo-Fordism as a response to the limitations of Fordism & to the economic crises of the 1980s. He also examines particular modes of neo-Fordist corporate control, including the political, bureaucratic, budgetary, "statistical process," & automated styles. Neo-Fordism was greatly supported by a capital flow from state to corporations, & has implications for globalization & for new conflicts between central & operational management spheres. K. Coddon

Of eight states that have experienced above-average Latino population growth, focus here is on MN & AR, as representative of the Midwest & the Sun Belt, examining settlement patterns, social reception, & citizenship status of Latino immigrant workers. Data are from the 1990 Public Use Microdata Sample, 1994 US Census estimates for population by state & by race/ethnicity, & media coverage of the establishment of Latino communities in non-"port of entry" areas. It is contended that the transformation of Midwest & Sun Belt states into industrial economies is primarily responsible for the migration of Latino Americans & immigrants to those areas. Although business leaders have viewed this migration as creating additional market opportunities, native-born citizens are concerned about the effects of Latino workers on the social dynamics of their local communities. The need for local & state officials to take measures to reduce social tension between native-born citizens & Latino workers is stressed. 5 Tables, 36 Figures, 79 References. J. W. Parker

"The correlation of relations between Central and Eastern Europe, the European Union, and the United States (CEE-EU-US), seem to confirm that in general, policies appear to be more effective if internationally coordinated and encompass wider participation. This is because domestic politics and international relations are often inextricably entangled. However, the existing practice of CEE-EU-US relations has not yet adequately strengthened this tendency. Instead, it rather enhances a self-destructive form of global politics. This lack of cooperation, failure to be inclusive, hypocrisy, imperial aspiration, misuse of democracy, imposing one's will and domination on other entities, all seem to be possible outcomes of the current negative correlation. Negotiations, which occur under these circumstances, do not effectively address the following issues. These concern the role of domestic preferences and coalitions, domestic political institutions and practices, strategies and tactics of negotiations, all of which cultivate uncertainty across regions. The result is the domestic reverberation of international pressures, and embedded one-sided interests of the chief negotiators - which represent hegemony of the primary power. This tendency of imperial domination applies to many other political phenomena of various entities as well. These include dependency, legislative committees, and multiparty coalitions, including the creation of vassal or weak governments, of which the CEE itself is an excellent example." (author's abstract)