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Dear colleagues, Welcome to the "Journal of Policy & Governance"! In my opinion, an editorial may reflect the general direction of the journal, values, strategy, priorities, goals and objectives, and so on. This is the first edition of the Journal of Policy & Governance where I act as the Editor-in-Chief. The title of the journal includes two key concepts, the "Policy" and the "Governance", and they are crucial for the target audience of the journal. That is, the field of "Policy Science": policy cycle, problem identification for analysis, policy environment, resources, stakeholders' analysis, communications (strategic, multilevel, etc.), policy tools and evaluation, etc. Also, these are values, objectives and methodology of the research and policy analysis, policy as the process and reasons for state intervention, evidence-based policy, quantitative and qualitative methods of data processing and the formation of evidence in the policy process and so on. The field of governance is also valuable for research: democratic, good, sensitive, multilevel, digital, and so on: Service State, public consultation, and interaction between government, business and civil society in the policy-making process. Common decisions, power and out of power policy makers, leadership, analysts and policy actors also require semantic and empirical content in the articles of the journal.

This article discusses election governance based on public participation with qualitative research methods, the approach used in case studies in West Nusa Tenggara (NTB) Province, the region is one of thirty-four province in Indonesia. Governance is an approach that is considered relevant, because election governance is its manifestation. The results show that the Regional of General Election Commission of NTB as the authority of election organizers succeeded in building a model of election governance based on public participation through three strategies, namely the movement to protect suffrage, family-based voter education, and voter education based on educational institutions. These three models are designed through three approaches, namely multi-stakeholder partnership, convergence, safety and public health of disaster areas. The methods of implementation include; short videos about elections, consistent use of mass media and continuous election classes. The impact of the public participation-based election governance model in NTB is that the number of public participation in 2019 Elections increased to 82 percent compared to 2014 Election of 77.32 percent where the model has not been implemented. The obstacles faced in building participatory-based election governance are two, namely; the issue of legitimacy provided by the Electoral Law and has not been made the education of voters as core business of General Commission Election, while voter education is an effective instrument in developing public participation. The solution is necessary to change article 3 and article 15 (Presiden Republik Indonesia, 2017) on the elections to include participation as the principle of organizing elections. In addition, voter education should be the core business from the national to the regions.

Bangladesh is performing better in the growth of GDP and experiencing remarkable progress in development indicators such as poverty alleviation, maternal mortality, infant mortality and enrollment in primary education. However, despite the restoration parliamentary democracy in 1990s, political governance is decaying in the country. The present study, taking dynamics of Bangladeshi politics into consideration, seeks to explore the interplay between business and politics and its impact on governance with supplementary evidence from public transportation sector as case example. Among others, the principal question of the paper is how business interest creates crisis in governance? It reveals that business elites are involved in all decision-making process in the government institutions and they make pro-business policy undermining people's interest that leads to a confrontation between government institution and business elites which ultimately generates crisis in governance in almost all other section of the nation like transportation sector.

COVID-19 sent a wave of pandomania across Nigeria, like in every other country due to health risk that it come with, which was declared pandemic. However, its impact has been felt on all aspect of human endeavour; social economic and political. In Nigeria, the pandemic has affects security governance due to pivoted role assigned security agencies in the enforcement of restriction of movement and lockdown imposed by the federal government of Nigeria. The security agencies involved has not been limited to police but it include both military and paramilitary as the case may be. In the midst of continues spread of diseasesand multiplicity of security agencies, security governance became a serious issues. Through the government adopted a pragmatic approached, the result has been of mix blessing. It is in light of the above that the paper examines security, government in theCOVID-19 pandemic periodusing Nigeria as a case study.

Global developments that are full of dynamics are marked by the emergence of interdependence between countries. Global developments are in line with the development of science and technology which causes countries to seem borderless. The blurring of boundaries between countries and the development of an increasingly dynamic environment are also accompanied by the development of increasingly broad and multidimensional threats. This global development is also marked by the emergence of new actors in international relations. The development of threats and increasing global issues that cannot be handled by the state alone have created a new phenomenon in the international relations order, namely global governance. Previously, the state was the sole actor in the order of international relations. However, with global governance, there is a new arrangement in the international relations system that accommodates all actors who play a role. This research will use a qualitative phenomenological method. The theory used in this research are global governance, defense diplomacy and international organization as a basis theory and concept, and also a security theory as supporting theory. In the end, we can see that the change of international order can bring the positive effect for countries in achieving their national goals and accomplish their national interests.

The activeness of any nation citizenry determines how effective and the types of government such a nation will have. In the case of Nigeria, Nigerian citizens have been engulfed by stark illiteracy and chronic ignorance. Citizens have failed in their responsibility of participating actively in the polity of their nation. Citizens have been blindfolded that they cannot even differentiate between good governance and bad governance, as they still blindly pledge their support to bad leadership and to the decayed political parties of Nigeria, e.g. APC and PDP. Citizens found mostly in this blindness are the South western citizens despite their level of education. This paper examined the inability of Nigerian citizens to read within the lines and understand the dangers inherent in the politics of these two political parties of APC and PDP, and the fact that both parties have no better ideology and plans to better the lives of Nigerians. The paper examines the difference between People's Democratic Party (PDP) and All progressive Congress (APC) ideology in terms of corruption in Nigeria. The paper finally examines the effect of non-democratic citizenry in Nigeria. This paper adopts the hybrids method, as interview methods of data collection are adopted while other data are gotten from the readymade works of scholars and from the common sense views of the writer. This paper finally proffers workable recommendations to the problems of bad leadership in Nigeria.

Accountability is the responsibility of the obligation to account for the success or failure in carrying out the organization's mission in achieving the goals and targets that have been set through a media of accountability periodically. As a follow up in eradicating the practice of Collusion of Corruption and Nepotism as mandated by Law Number 28 of 1999, in the context of further improving the implementation of a more efficient, effective, clean and responsible government. Government Policy through Presidential Instruction No. 7 of 1999 issued regulations regarding the Accountability of Government Agencies' Performance so that good governance was created. The purpose of this study is to find out: (1) Implementation of Performance Accountability System of Government Agencies in the Regional Civil Service Agency of Musi Banyuasin Regency (2) Implementation of good governance in the Regional Civil Service Agency of Musi Banyuasin Regency (3) How much influence the implementation of Government Institution Performance Accountability System the application of good governance in the Regional Personnel Agency of Musi Banyuasin Regency. The method used in this research is analytical descriptive with survey approach. Whereas to analyze the data obtained used the moment Product Correlation Coefficient Analysis, Determinant Coefficient Test and Hypothesis Test using the Significance Test (t Test). The results obtained are: (1) Implementation of the Accountability System of Government Agencies' Performance in the Regional Civil Service Agency of Musi Banyuasin Regency, including very good classification. (2) the application of Good Governance in the Regional Civil Service Agency of Musi Banyuasin Regency is included in the very good classification. (3) The implementation of the Government Agency Performance Accountability System has a significant effect on the implementation of Good Governance in the Regional Personnel Agency office in Musi Banyuasin.

Tanzania in embarking the decentralization by devolution policy (D by D) as a mechanism of facilitating quick development process through the involvement of people from grass root levels has been carried out through the inter-government relations between the central government and the local government authorities (LGAs). Throughout its implementation there had been a supportive structural set up, including a constitutional mandate for local governments. Also, there has been an increased recognition of LGAs by central and sector ministries as partners rather than subordinate structures. However, the lack of a clear and effective institutional framework to govern the implementation of D by D and the lack of a shared understanding of D by D across ministries and other governmental institutions has made led to structural confusion between the Central government and the Local Government Authorities. Thus, this paper explores the undertakings of the inter-government relations between the central government and the local government authorities (LGAs) in order to forge a way forward for a inclusive and responsive governance in the country.

Post-Independence federal arrangement of the Nigerian state has suffered undue torture of tinkering, especially during the prolonged military rule. It's coming into power had resulted in the emergence of unitary federalism with the attendant fall-out of over-concentration of powers and resources at the centre, thereby rendering other component units of the federation, a mere appendage in inter-governmental relations. The current agitation for restructuring that is the re-ordering of relationships, distribution of power and resources within the components of the federation, by a wide-spectrum of ethnic nationalities across the geopolitical zones, is a reaction to the current arrangement of the Nigerian federation. This paper using Deils Wrights' models as a framework of analysis with data generated through secondary sources, examines federal-Local and State-Local relates which is receiving scant attention compared to federal-state relations in the current agitation. Findings revealed that Local Governments has been at the mercy of the other two levels of government in fiscal, political and administrative relations. This has rendered the institution mostly ineffective in their functional responsibilities. It is therefore concluded that any reform agenda that will improve the standard of governance in Nigeria, should pay particular attention to this inclusive authority model of inter-governmental relations. Therefore the need arises for constitutional reforms for devolution of power and financial resources to local government for an effective local governance system that ultimately translates to national development.

This essay takes as its focal point the emergence of the development-security nexus, which reproblematised underdevelopment as inherently dangerous. Conflict, having been rediscovered post-Cold War as an ethno-cultural war waged by civilians within states, was internalised within various forms of scarcity to render the underdeveloped prone to violence In light of this, the main contention of this paper is that development is not a problem of security, but an artificially constructed discourse, which generates further insecurity for people living in the Global South. By employing the Foucauldian theory of biopolitics as methodology to demonstrate that the concept of development is a reductionist and colonial disciplinary technique, which creates the underdeveloped. The present study will refer to colonial Jamaica as an example of this. Subsequently, an analysis will be provided in relation to human security, which will be defined as a technology of governance, a method of ruling over the populace of the Global South. Illustrative of this will be Mozambique, post-1992. Lastly, the study will show how the masses have been construed into political consent of development as a problem of security.

This study examined the role of an international Agency (USAID) and Democratic Election; A Prognosis to the role of Security Personnel in Nigerian 2015 Elections. USAID and other international Agencies have relentlessly assisted both the emerging and consolidating democracies such as Nigeria, in conducting free and fair elections via provision of some forms of technical assistance so as to achieve credible elections and ensure improved governance but in spite of all these, events and happenings from developed democracies and across the globe have shown that the vitality of election security to the credibility of elections cannot be ignored because the conduct of free and fair elections to a large extent depend on the security system available in the country. This study anchored on Elite theory propounded by Paredo and Gaetano with descriptive qualitative method of data collection and Content analysis. It discovered that the fact that consistently undermined democratic consolidation in Nigeria is the varying degrees and measures of electoral violence so it therefore recommends that impartial and unbiased security agencies should be recruited for each election in order to prevent the reoccurrence of electoral violence during each election.

: Higher Education, no doubt, has been universally acclaimed as the bedrock for national development and effective Leadership as the drivers of academic excellence in the Institutions of higher learning in Nigeria. Qualitative teaching and learning remains the engine room that derives good governance and propels leadership positions. Leadership, however, cannot exist without Readership. The two are relatively interwoven. Leadership and readership has over the years become critical issues in organizational theory and practice. Thus, leadership and readership need to be taken up as a cause to be promoted in pursuit of academic excellence in the Institutions of higher learning in Nigeria. Reading is a great investment in one's personal development and, by extension, in achieving desired academic excellence. In this research, concrete effort is made to clarify the key concept of Leadership and Readership as drivers of academic excellence in the Institutions of higher learning in Nigeria, especially in the Polytechnic System. The research equally investigates both internal and external factors militating against academic excellence in Nigeria citadel of learning and finally makes recommendations, among which is training and retraining of employees, discouragements of unnecessary political interferences in appointments into academic leadership positions, Staff recruitments, admission of undergraduate students and effective monitoring policy of civil service rules.

: Based on Presidential Instruction Number 7 of 2015, the Indonesian Prosecutor's Office deems it necessary to provide assistance to relevant government officials in terms of development acceleration and strategic national development programs. In addition, the Indonesian Attorney General's Office as a law enforcement agency has a role in supporting the success of national government and regional governance and development through escort and security, both in planning, implementing and utilizing development outcomes, including efforts to prevent state irregularities and losses. The establishment of TP4D in Semarang Regency, as an effort to be able to prevent the occurrence of Corruption Crime (Tipikor), mainly related to Village Fund Financial Management (APB Desa). In the effort to prevent Tipikor in managing APBDesa often faced with internal problems of the Village Government, among others: low levels of devotion, low ethics and integrity, egoistic behavior, low professionalism. While those related to external problems, among others: the first factor of the government administration system, in the form of: regulations that are still overlapping, sectoral and institutional selfishness, limited internal supervision, development of HR management is still limited. The second is related to cultural factors, among others: the existence of a culture of "tired money / facilitation money" as an additional income for the apparatus, an attitude of reluctance, and a shift in social and economic values. The strategy that has been carried out by the Semarang District Government and the Village Government in suppressing the occurrence of corruption in APBDesa management, namely, among others: strengthening the Government Internal Supervisory Apparatus (APIP) institutions, monitoring planning, implementation and accountability, conducting APBDesa information disclosure, and increasing HR Village Apparatus