Suchergebnisse

"In 2016, economic globalization suffered a severe crisis after over half a century of smooth development, and deglobalization was running mountains high. Not only did it trigger domestic political discord in major countries like the United States, Britain, France and Germany, but also led to international economic and political disputes among Western countries, intensifying strategic competition between major powers. With the arrival of 2017, through the perilous waves of deglobalization and the consequent international political upheavals, we find that the post Cold War era that we were familiarized with, is coming to a rapid end, ushering in a new international political era, full of uncertainties. This annual book presents Chinese scholars' views, opinions and predictions on global political and security issues, as well as China's strategic choice. It covers a wide range of important issues concerning international security, ranging from the assessment of Sino-US relations, Russian-American relations, the counter terrorism situation in the Middle East, the political situation in Taiwan and cross-Strait relations, Brexit and the refugee problem, and the strategic situation in the South China Sea, to the judgment of the strategic posture in countries and regions like Japan, the Korean Peninsula, Southeast Asia, Latin America and Africa. Also covered are the analysis of the strategic posture in cyber space, outer space (as well as their governance), and discussion on China's international strategic choice in the wave of deglobalization."--

In its nature, world history is an evolutionary cycle of non-rules, non-order to rules and order. The Peace of Westphalia began the international order aiming to resolve disputes through multinational meetings. However, the fragile world order and the code of international relations failed to prevent World War Ⅰ. Although a new system of multinational mechanisms, formed after World War I, reformed the international community, it did not stop World War Ⅱ from breaking out. After World War Ⅱ, a new system of international organizations represented by the United Nations and new norms of international relations centered on the Charter of the United Nations were established. Despite its undeniable role in the world order and the norms of international relations, the so-called Yalta System, still has its flaws. After the end of the Cold War, the necessity of a new world political, economic and security order is rising. The theory and practice of global governance is in need of upgrading. However, due to complicated historical and realistic reasons, the process of building up a new order based on new rules would be long and tortuous. Key Words: International Order, Power Relations, Charter of the United Nations, Global Governance ; 世界历史归根到底,就是从无规则无秩序到有规则有秩序,再到建立新规则新秩序无限发展历程。威斯特伐利亚条约的诞生,标志着以多边会议为争端解决机制的国际秩序开始形成,但粗陋而孱弱的世界秩序和国际关系准则并没能阻止第一次世界大战的爆发。一战后形成的一系列新型多边合作机制曾使国际社会欢欣鼓舞,但这套体制和规则仍未能阻止二战的爆发。国际社会于二战结束之际,建立起以联合国为代表的新的国际组织体系和联合国宪章为核心的新型国际关系准则。这套名为雅尔塔体系的世界秩序和国际关系规则虽然发挥了不可否认的历史作用,但许多方面仍不尽如人意。冷战结束后,世界呼唤新的政治经济秩序、安全格局,全球治理从理论到实践都亟待更新。但由于极其复杂的历史和现实原因,建立基于新规则的新秩序,将是一个漫长而曲折的历史过程。 【关键词】国际秩序,大国关系,联合国宪章,全球治理

Intro -- Series Editor's Preface: A Wisdom Was Passed, While His Academic Big Fruits Are Still Alive -- 序 : 哲人其 硕果 存 (A Wisdom Was Passed, While His Academic Big Fruits Are Still Alive) -- Foreword I: Commentary on Prof. Lingliang Zeng's Academic Thought of International Law -- Academic Life of Prof. Lingliang Zeng -- Professor Lingliang Zeng's Theoretical Contributions to International Law Studies in China -- Actively Advocated the Construction of International Law from a Chinese Perspective -- Strong Support to Promote the Innovation in International Law Ideas and Principles Based on the Belief of a Community of Common Destiny -- Demonstrated Dialectics of Sovereignty in a Scientific Manner -- Precisely Elaborated the Humanizing Tendency of Contemporary International Law -- Clarified the Interactions Between China's Peaceful Development and Contemporary International Law -- Advocated Building China's Discourse System of International Law -- Called for Attention to Value the Role of International Law in China's Rule of Law and National Governance -- Professor Lingliang Zeng's Pioneering Research on EU Law -- Professor Lingliang Zeng's Original Research on WTO Law -- Foreword II: Prof. Lingliang Zeng and EU Law Teaching & -- Studies in China -- Always Respected Professors, and Built on the Past Achievements of His Predecessors -- Started Studying EU Law Abroad by Chance, and Remained True to His Original Aspiration in the Changing Times -- Followed the Steps of His Predecessors, and Deeply Connected with Luojia Hills -- Built on the Past Achievements of His Predecessors, Laid Solid Foundation for the EU Law Discipline, and Promoted the Discipline Development -- Profound Insights and Originality -- Filled in Gaps in Domestic Studies, and Proposed New Ideas and Insights.

The Manchus established the Qing dynasty that ruled China for 267 years. There are many reasons for their long-term governance, one of which is believed to be the establishment of a well-structured bureaucratic system with high administrative efficiency. Emperor Yongzheng introduced a major reform of the southwest border administrative structure, which laid a solid foundation for the centralization of politics and enhanced regional stability for subsequent monarchs. This dissertation investigates the role that the Green Standard Army played in the bureaucratization of the tribal headman institution in Yunnan during the reign of Yongzheng and its continuing importance in enhancing regional stability and prosperity thereafter. The dissertation comprises six chapters. Chapter One is an introduction in which the objectives of the study are explained and the research literature on the topic is reviewed. Chapter Two consists of detailed elaboration on the origins and development of the tribal headman system, Yongzheng's changing attitude towards the bureaucratization policy and the reasons for its final implementation. Chapter Three examines the historical importance of the Green Standard Army in terms of the early-Qing military and politics. Special attention is paid to the Army's role in suppressing the Revolt of the Three Feudatories. Chapter Four cites several examples to show that the Army functioned effectively as a government agency during the process of bureaucratization, although its importance gradually declined. Chapter Five outlines the natural geographical conditions of the Yunnan region and explains the extent to which the bureaucratization policy influenced regional development. Chapter Six concludes the dissertation. ; published_or_final_version ; Chinese Historical Studies ; Master ; Master of Arts

Tam, Kin Lun. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter CHAPTER I: --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Evaluation of Previous Scholarship --- p.6 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Methodology and Sources --- p.8 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Selection of the Period of Study and Structure of the Research --- p.11 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Town Planning in Hong Kong: A Brief History --- p.15 ; Chapter ´Ø --- The Garden City Concept --- p.23 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Practice of New Town Design in Britain --- p.28 ; Chapter ´Ø --- British Influence in Hong Kong --- p.35 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Summary --- p.40 ; Chapter CHAPTER II: --- "GOVERNING COLONIAL HONG KONG, NEW TOWN DEVELOPMENT AND THE FOUNDATION OF TIN SHUI WAI BEFORE 1982" --- p.53 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Political and Housing Pressure in the Immediate Postwar Era --- p.54 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Steps towards a New Horizon: The Trend towards New Towns (1964-1972) --- p.59 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Shift of Colonial Governance --- p.67 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Beginning of Early Hong Kong's New Towns (1972-1982) --- p.72 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Foundation of Tin Shui Wai --- p.80 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Summary --- p.90 ; Chapter CHAPTER III: --- "EARLY STAGE OF TIN SHUI WAI'S URBAN TRANSFORMATION, CIRCA 1979- 1997" --- p.115 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Rise of the Tin Shui Wai Development Idea --- p.116 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Fall of Mightycity's Heavenly Hopes --- p.120 ; Chapter ´Ø --- The Defective 1982 Agreement --- p.130 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Planning the Town: The 1983 Master Development Plan and Its Appraisal --- p.135 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Implementation of the 1983 MDP and Tin Shui Wai Urban Development --- p.149 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Summary --- p.161 ; Chapter CHAPTER IV: --- "WATERSHED FOR THE GROWTH OF TIN SHUI WAI'S NEWTOWN, 1997-2009" --- p.180 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Early Political Ambitions to Expand the Tin Shui Wai Development --- p.181 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Planning the Tin Shui Wai Reserve Zone --- p.185 ; Chapter ´Ø --- An Assessment of the 1995 Town Plan --- p.193 ...

近幾年,中國人民每天都要面對多種環境問題,環境保護促成新的社會運動及實政方式 。數十年來,中國政府一直以強調經濟發展為先,因此,如何能將環境管理與中國社會的其他部分相協調仍沒有一個清晰的答案。本文將以中國西部城市成都為例,分析環保意識在不同社會族群中的興起。 ; 本文通過三個要素來檢驗環境意識:意識形態、感知和行動。自千禧年始,中國政府開始宣傳"生態文明"的觀念,它是中國共產黨給出的有關如何進行可持續發展的意識形態方面的答案。"生態文明"作為一個單一維度結構,特別強調要在不影響經濟增長的前提下加強對環境的保護。這個概念通過地方政府、非政府組織的項目、學術研究及媒體報道等多種方式滲透中國社會。通過利用民族志的研究手法來探討成都市民日常要面對的交通問題、消費主義、食品安全及城市化等議題,本論文著重研究"生態文明"作為一個單維觀念,是如何與普通市民讓成都變得"更灰"或"更綠"的方式相協調的。市民讓成都變得"更灰"是因為相關行為可幫助他們維持或積累更多社會資本。而讓成都變得"更綠"則是一種草根的環保意識形態,通常被描述為"很環保"。"很環保"是個自相矛盾的講法,一方面它帶有"過時"的意味,而另一方面它又帶有"上流"的感覺。 ; 本研究針對245 戶人進行了社會調查,結果顯示相較底層社會的市民而言,上層社會的市民普遍認為環境的好壞對他們生活的影響更大。類似於垃圾分類、節約用水、減少空氣污染等環保行為不同程度的與受訪市民的社會階層、年齡及居住地點有關。一方面,調查顯示市民們對於"生態文明"的理解五花八門,伸展至多個維度,另一方面,通過檢驗環境意識形態、對環境的感知和環保行動三者的交集後,我們發現,在環保問題上,中國民眾可被分為三大不同族群 。這包括,發展組,他們因國家宣傳的單維"生態文明"政策而受益;環境組,他們最受"很環保"這個意識形態的影響;以及"不知所從"組,他們因環保行動又"過時"又"上流"的雙面性而感到不知所從 。大部分身處權利中心的人都屬於發展組,理論上講,由發展組人士組成的國家可借引入"生態文明"這個單維結構而變得更穩固,因為"生態文明"的結構單維性讓"不知所從"組的人更樂意接受一個集權政府,並寄希望於後者可以替他們解決環境問題。但是,由於國家無法從多個維度介入民眾對於"生態文明"的地方詮釋,更多的市民因此將會趨於加入環境組人士,持與他們類似的對抗態度,而這將會讓國家陷入難以走出的困局。 ; In recent years, as the Chinese people have had to face environmental issues in their everyday lives, environmental protection has come to stimulate new social movements and forms of governance in China. After decades of state emphasis on economic growth, it has yet to be made clear how this new concern for environmental governance resonates with different segments of Chinese society. Thus, this thesis analyzes the rise of environmental consciousness among different social groups in the Western Chinese city of Chengdu. ; Environmental consciousness is examined according to three components: ideology, perception and action. At the turn of the millennium, the Chinese state started to promote Ecological Civilization (生態文明), the CCP's ideological answer to Sustainable Development. With a singular emphasis on enforcing environmental protection as long as it does not interfere with economic development, this unidimensional structure of Ecological Civilization has been introduced to Chinese society through local government ...

2005年10月,中國政府發布"國務院批轉證監會關於提高上市公司品質意見的通知"。它允許和建議上市公司探索利用股權補償,以激勵員工。由於中國股市和股權補償的歷史很短,以及對企業的激勵機制的重要性。我們研究和發現公司治理和採納該計劃的可能性之間的關係是混合的。而具有較高的營業利潤/資產比率和淨利潤/總資產比率的公司更可能採用股權補償。我們還發現,通過在企業層面測量累積異常收益率(CAR),股權補償的公佈有積極的市場反應。此外,如果最大的部分限制性股份或購股權授予僱員工會委員或在公司的核心員工,市場反應更是積極。 ; In October 2005, the Chinese government released "Notice about the State Council of China approving China Securities Regulatory Commission to improve qualities of listed firms". It allows and suggests listed firms to explore the use of equity-based compensation in order to motivate employees. In this thesis, we find that the relationship between corporate governance and the likelihood of adopting the scheme is mixed. Firms with higher ratios of operating profits to assets and net profit to total assets are more likely to adopt equity-based compensation. We also discover positive market responses by measuring the cumulative abnormal return (CAR) to the announcement of equity-based compensation at the firm level. Moreover, if a larger portion of the restricted shares or options is granted to the groups of employees which are union committee members or core employees in the firm, the market response is much more positive and the CAR is larger in magnitude. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Ko, Ka Yin. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 32-33). ; Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; Cover Page --- p.1 ; Abstract --- p.2 ; Chinese Version --- p.3 ; Contents --- p.4 ; Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.6 ; Chapter 2 --- Basic idea of equity-based compensation --- p.7 ; Chapter 3 --- Literature Review --- p.9 ; Chapter 4 --- History and Development --- p.11 ; Chapter 4.1. --- Equity-based compensation around the world --- p.11 ; Chapter 4.2. --- Regulations of equity-based compensation in China --- p.12 ; Chapter 5 --- Hypothesis --- p.13 ...

本文回顧香港政府治理戲劇活動的歷史,分析三個歷史時期的治理策略,從而探討調節戲劇活動與殖民管治兩者的關條。香港政府在三個時期以不同方式介入戲劇領域,從戰後至六十年代的戲劇審查,後至六十年代後期至七十年代的文化服務,直到八十年代至九七年提倡戲劇的私營部門增長,三者並不連貫。三個時期的治理特色共同之處在於,政府僅僅為了排除危害社會穩定的麻煩,特別是制衡現代中國政權對香港(戲劇)的影響,並不志在正面地建立成果;因此,本文提出香港政府的文化治理是一種否定式治理策略。 ; I examine the history of Hong Kong government governing theatrical activities and then analyze the governing strategy in three historical periods; thus, I investigate the relation between regulations of theatrical activities and colonial governance. Hong Kong government employed different ways of intervention in three periods, including censorship from 1945 to 1960s, providing cultural service from late 1960s to 1970s and advocating growth of private sector of theatre from 1980s to 1997. These three strategies are not consistent in terms of achieving goals. Rather, the common character of governing strategies is to get rid of dangerous factor which may harm stability of Hong Kong society, especially the undesirable impact of modern China politics on Hong Kong (theatre ). ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; 張翠瑜. ; "2013年7月". ; "2013 nian 7 yue". ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 111-118). ; Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. ; Abstract in Chinese and English. ; Zhang Cuiyu. ; 中文摘要 --- p.ii ; 英文摘要 --- p.iii ; 致謝 --- p.iv ; Chapter 第一章 --- 香港戲劇與文化治理 --- p.1 ; Chapter 第二章 --- 文化冷戰與戲劇審查 --- p.25 ; Chapter 第三章 --- 青年問題與文化服務 --- p.48 ; Chapter 第四章 --- 積極不干預、自由市場與創作 --- p.76 ; Chapter 第五章 --- 結語 --- p.103 ; 參考書目 --- p.111

This study explores a significant and little studied aspect of the pioneering doctrinal work of the Fajia tradition, the Book of Lord Shang 商君書 (ca. 260 B.C. -‐233 B.C.): its system of rewards. In contrast with previous scholarship that has questioned the existence of a coherent Legalist political vision and even its idea of law fa 法 or that has focused strictly on penalty, this study considers Fajia law and discipline not only viable categories for analysis, but also important conceptual products of the intensely competitive, bellicose political climate of the Warring States period. The central concern is with the character fa 法 in Fajia texts. Beginning with an analysis of the Book of Lord Shang's system of rewards, the study then examines how the use of the character fa 法 in this text distinguished itself from earlier usages and, hence, represents an important distinctly shared characteristic across Fajia texts generally. This shows that the Fajia system of rewards includes an important pedagogical aspect that requires the ruler's subjects to develop themselves for the sake of state development. Therefore, this study also evaluates the pedagogical value of Fajia rewards based on social scientific research on organismic learning. This pedagogical aspect of Fajia governance, the study argues, is the means through which the Fajia notion of law reinforces its cultural ideals of the state. ; 本文企圖考察在商君書(ca. 260 B.C. ‐ 233 B.C.)重要之一的方面:賞賜。以前的研究已經質疑連貫法家的政治思想,甚至其法律觀念鮮明特點的存在,或集中於嚴格刑罰的方面。可是這項研究認為法家的法律紀律的方面不只是可行的類別分析,還有法治觀念是戰國時期的競爭激烈,好戰的政治氣候的重要概念產品。最重要關注的是"法"字的意義在法家的文本。在開始本文分析商君書的獎勵系統。然後它探討如何在商君書中使用的"法"字,從早期的用途區分,以及它如何代表所有"法家"文本之間的一個重要的明顯特徵的共享。這表明,"法家"獎勵的系統包括一個重要的教學方面。它需要統治者的臣民來發展自己,為了國家的發展。因此,本文基於社會科學研究機體學習評估"法家"獎勵系統的教學價值。其實上,法家政治思想有這種教學方面的證明是強化了國家的文化理想的手段。 ; King, Brandon Russell. ; Thesis Ph.D. Chinese University of Hong Kong 2015. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 415-424). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; Title from PDF title page (viewed on 11, October, 2016). ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only.

殖民時期的香港一直被丛书新自由主義的經典例子。加上香港殖民政府的剝削本質,它一般不會提供廉價醫療服務給予普羅大眾。然而,儘管有「積極不干預主義」這口號,殖民政府仍然於香港留下了龐大公營醫療系統。為什麼龐大公營醫療系統與放任自由主義並存於二次世界大戰後的香港社會? ; 為了解答以上疑問,本研究將從一九六四年醫療改革,探討香港戰後醫療政策。本文認為,香港研究忽視了冷戰對香港公共衛生的影響。文獻回顧後,實證研究分為三部分。第一部分提出「衛生關注」(Sanitary Concern)不足以構成醫療改革的原因。第二部分通過文本分析,發現六十年代的主流報章不重視醫療改革,由此可見改革並非基於公眾的訴求。最後的部分從戰後政府檔案,發現長遠的公營醫療規劃沿於五十年代後期。同時,戰後公營醫療系統的擴張,更可能是因為殖民政府為了確保足夠的戰時緊急醫療服務,及防止左派利用社區診所滲透入基層。 ; Hong Kong has been regarded as a textbook example of Neo Liberalism. The exploitative nature of a colonial government makes it unlikely for the colonial state to make commitment for low-cost medical services to the general public. However, the slogan of "positive non-interventionism notwithstanding, the strong public health sector in Hong Kong is also a colonial legacy. Why was such a state-centered medical system established in a laissez-faire society after the Second World War? ; This thesis aims at investigating the 1964 hospital reform in Hong Kong to study the colonial governance and arguing that the Cold War factor has been neglected in the analysis of the medical-institutional change. After the literature review, there are three empirical sections to support this explanation. The first part finds that sanitary concern was not a strong reason for the reform. In the second part, a context analysis on newspaper during the 1960s shows that the hospital reform was simply neglected by most newspapers, which implies that the reform was not the direct result of public pressure. The final part looks into the long-term medical planning since the late 1950 and several related medical policies through different archives in order to demonstrate the impacts of Cold War's politics on Hong Kong's medical services provision. Evidences suggest that self-sufficiency of military-emergency medical services and control over the growing influence of left-wing community clinics could be a more convincing explanation for the reform. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Tang, Kai Yi. ...

動員是否可以作為一種解決公共問題的治理手段?本文基於改變他人行為的三種基本要素:交換、強制、動員,重新界定了中文語境中的動員概念,進而提出了一套新的關於解決公共問題治理風格的分析框架。在不同的條件下,三種基本要素不同程度的混合運用產生了動員式治理、科層制管理、市場化處理三種治國理政風格理想類型,它們在行為動機的理性化程度、組織機構的科層化程度、解決公共問題的分工與專業化程度三個維度上相互區別開來。 ; 運用這一理論分析框架,作者比較了中國共產黨在革命、建政、改革三個歷史時期治理風格的變化及其原因。中國共產黨政治地位的轉變改變了其自身組織結構特性,這一核心因素與黨在不同歷史時期中心任務的調整及指導思想的變化,決定了其對動員、強制、交換等不同手段的取捨與搭配。革命年代訓練出來的群眾動員技巧與工作方法在中國共產黨取得執政地位後,仍舊是行之有效的治理手段,並且它與群眾路線構成了中國共產黨執政合法性的重要來源。但是,隨著執政黨所能動用的強制能力與物質資源的增長,以及黨組織自身的日益科層化,在改革開放時期,動員逐漸被有意識的弱化,由此也造成了中國共產黨在日常群眾工作和社會控制方面的衰退。 ; Can mobilization be adopted as a means of governing to address the public issues? This thesis reconceptualizes the term 'mobilization' in the Chinese context based on three basic factors that alter human behaviors, namely, exchange, coercion, and mobilization. It puts forward a novel analytic framework of governing styles to solve the public issues. Under different circumstances, the configuration of the three basic factors adopted to different degrees will generate three ideal governing styles, that is, mobilized governance, bureaucratic management, and market-based settlement. These three ideal governing styles can be differentiated in three dimensions: the rationality of the behavior's motives, the hierarchy of the organization, and the specialized division of labor in solving the public issues. ; Using this theoretical framework for analysis, the author compared the changes of the governing styles of the Communist Party of China in three historical periods - revolution era, Maoist era, and reform era, and explored the reasons of the changes. The change of the party's political status altered the characteristics of its organizational structures. This core factor, together with the adjustment of the central tasks and the changes of the guiding thoughts in the party during different historical periods, determined how these means such as mobilization, coercion and exchange were selected and combined. Mass mobilization techniques and working styles obtained in the revolution era remained effective after the party took its ...

香港教育歷史書寫以教育政策史為核心,一直缺乏有關鄉村學校的研究。本地教育史研究者多數將鄉村學校納入傳統中國學塾的想像,或簡化成一種過渡式的教育模式。在殖民管治新界的歷史時空下,鄉村學校的具體面貌,及其在不同階段的轉型和社會功能都被忽略。本研究以有別於主流教育歷史研究的書寫方式,嘗試將鄉村學校與新界殖民管治、新市鎮規劃、鄉村社群與城市文化拉扯等範疇連結起來,多角度重塑新界鄉村學校與整體社會脈絡的互動。本研究透過說明新界鄉村學校的歷史發展過程,目的是為了突顯鄉村學校並非鐵板一塊。鄉村教育與鄉村社區文化緊密結合,學校的發展形態多樣而且教學生活化。 ; 本研究先從描繪鄉村學校與新界殖民歷史的關係出發,指出鄉村學校的興起與戰後殖民政府改變新界管治方針,普及教育的政治功能,以及現代教育體制的建立有密切關係。為強調鄉村學校的地緣特色,本文會以兩所新界鄉村學校為個案研究對象。本文藉著訪問、挖掘學校文獻、整理現存的口述歷史研究報告及相關歷史資料,介紹兩所新界鄉村學校的辦學理念、發展沿革、教學特色。本研究最後將提到1997 年後鄉村學校面臨大規模結束的困境,當中反映政府及民間社會對鄉村學校的不同理解和定位。本地教育史研究以線性叙事磨平地區發展差異和鄉村學校的多義性,因此本研究通過探討新界鄉村學校在本地教育史中的位置為鄉村學校研究補遺,並進一步批判以城市價值為核心的單一教育模式。 ; The writing of Hong Kong education history has always focused on the side of education policy. The majority of the studies describe village schools in the New Territories as traditional and transitional form of education, which makes village school unnoticed in the academic field. It is important to review village schools differently in each historical era, and to rethink its intersection with the colonial policy, urban and rural tension, and its significant position in the process of education modernization. Unlike the mainstream education policy studies, this study relate education development with colonial governance, urbanization and evolvement in local education model. With these angles, this study will provide both macro and micro perspectives to understand how the social and cultural environments reshape village schools in the New Territories in the post-war era. ; This study will first pointed out the closely linkage between village school in New Territories and the colonial rule of New Territories. The rise of village schools in the post-war period is much related to the changing ruling principle in New Territories. The political purpose of promoting mass education and the establishment of the local education system also provide a favorable environment for the booming development of village schools. ; In order to emphasize how geographical factors affect village schools, this study will use two village schools in New ...

于一个国家而言,民众抗争不仅是一个政府治理和治安问题,也是一个战略沟通问题。本研究即选取社会沟通的视角研究当代中国的社会抗争,旨在了解当代中国逐渐开放的抗争话语的演变、产生条件及其深刻意义。 ; 于定量与定性相结合的研究方法,本文分析了1990至2010年间中国政治社会精英关于民众抗争的话语。研究发现在抗争数量和规模不断增长的同时,抗争的话语环境发生了显著变化并向日趋宽松的方向发展。中国的政治领导人正逐步正视民众抗争,官方话语也开始同情抗争者。从对抗争的报道来看,以往严密的媒体审查制度逐渐放宽,重大事件的详细报道得以频见于报端。与此同时,越来越多的人士加入到抗争的公开讨论中,社会抗争成为激烈的社会争论的焦点。 ; 于以上分析,本文认为政治领导人的话语转变可以被理解为执政当局在一党执政和官民矛盾日益激化的特定条件下为促进政策实施和维持政权合法性而采取的手段,知识分子越来越直言不讳地提出批评意见则源于"话语机会结构的扩展。结合这些见解与已有文献表明,当代中国公民抗争和公共话语似乎彼此促进,形成了一个自我强化的循环。 ; 研究意义而言,本研究首先探讨了"话语机会这一概念的价值及其局限性,继而指出民众抗争,精英话语和政权演变之间存在重要的联系。本文发现,只要能够触动社会精英阶层并激起他们的回应,即使是非持续性的,非跨区域性的公民抗争也会带来抗争政治参与空间隐性但却显著的扩展,以及政治话语实践的转变。因此,虽然抗争者没有直接挑战共产党政权,但他们的行动已经从某种程度上促进了中国的政权演变。 ; For the state, popular protest is not merely a problem of governance and policing, but also an issue of strategic communication. Investigating protest in contemporary China from a communicative and elite-centered perspective, this dissertation shows that in parallel to the constantly growing number and scale of protests, the communicative environment of citizen resistance over the last two decades was significantly transformed and liberalized. Based on a mixed quantitative and qualitative analysis of political discourse between 1990 and 2010, the study seeks to understand the evolution, conditions, and significance of this widening discursive opening. ; The research reveals that the Chinese political leadership gradually addressed the problem of popular protest in the open and shifted its discourse towards more protester-sympathizing assessments. Moreover, tight censorship was gradually lifted and detailed accounts of major protest events emerged in the news media. In parallel to these developments, the topic became accessible to a growing circle of speakers and eventually emerged at the center of a lively and increasingly critical public debate. ; Based on this assessment, the present study argues that the political leadership's discourse can be rendered intelligible as a policy endeavor and a regime-legitimating instrument under the particular conditions of one-party ...

本研究聚焦2009年到2013年,中國廣州的一場圍繞垃圾處理展開的社會運動。運動最初是當地居民動員起來反對市政府垃圾焚燒項目的鄰避抗爭。勝利後,運動領袖成立了一個環保組織,和政府從對抗走向合作,力圖推动焚燒技術以外的替代性垃圾治理方案。不過,儘管政府和環保者致力於解決垃圾,垃圾問題在消費社會中始終無法消除。本研究試圖理解後社會主義中國的綠色治理和環保行動之間的對抗與合作。 ; 首先,我分析當代中國高速城市化和消費社會急速發展所帶來的垃圾危機。然后,我檢視圍繞垃圾焚燒技術的主要爭議,並描繪廣州居民是如何針對政府計劃中的垃圾焚燒項目做出抗爭的。我指出,他們結合地方性知識和科學話語,將自己建構為"常民專家",對全球性的焚燒科技的"地方適用性"作出成功挑战。接下來,我提供一個民族誌,追溯抗議成功后運動的歷史軌跡。我注意到,通過成立一個環保組織"EC",反焚運動走向合法化、組織化和制度化,抗爭被體制吸納,轉變為參與協助國家環境治理的運動。最後,我描繪EC與广州政府聯手推動的垃圾分類運動。指出,國家在此運動中的尷尬身份、以利潤為導向的回收市場影響、理想化的垃圾分類知識與普通民眾的知識存在斷裂,都使得推動垃圾分類異常艱難。 ; 通過展示運動變遷與國家治理轉型相互交織的辯證关系,本研究挑戰了國家與社會的二元對立,指出在國家在治理轉型過程中不斷收編反抗的行動和話語,而於此同時反焚者又在不斷生產新的另類知識做出挑戰。此外,本研究還貢獻於對廢棄物的理解,將廢棄物視為是一個動態的範疇,國家、市場、科學技術、普通消費者、環保行動者等多個行動者共同生產、競爭、建構其意義。還有,本研究對於科技知識的普遍性的探討,對科學技術研究領域做出了貢獻。 ; This is a study on social movements that focused on waste treatment in Guangzhou, China from 2009-2013. The campaign began as a NIMBY (Not-In-My-Backyard) movement that mobilized community residents to protest against municipal government's proposed incineration projects. After its success, the movement leaders changed their dissident role to form an environmental protection NGO, collaborating with the state to explore alternative waste treatment solutions other than incineration. However, despite of the politicians and activists' attempt to eliminate waste, waste continues to exist in tandem of our consumption spree. I endeavor to understand the contradiction as well as collusion between green governance and environmental activisms in post-socialist China. ; Firstly, I analyze the garbage crisis caused by the rapid urbanization and the dramatic growth of consumer society in contemporary China. Then I examine a few major technological controversies of waste incineration and depict how the activists protest against the pro-incineration government. I argue that through deploying local knowledge, the activists, as "lay experts", successfully challenged the "local appropriateness" of the global technology of incineration. Next, I provide an in-depth ethnography of the transformation of this campaign after its ...

本文主要考察社会主义中国的文化政策经历了怎样的发展变化,并试图回答自1949年以来中国共产党是如何介入与领导当代中国的文化,其文化治理的理论与实践又是如何发展与转变,对文化领域又产生了怎样的影响。 ; 与只对政策文件进行解读的传统政策研究不同,本研究采用文化的政治经济学和文化社会学取经,结合宏观与微观、观念与实践两个层面,对上述问题进行考察与分析,从而梳理出中国文化政策发展变化的历史脉络。除了对中共制订的政策文件及主要思想理论进行梳理与分析外,本文选取了代表中国社会主义国家特色的上海市工人文化宮及其话剧生产为个案研究对象,通过文献研究、实地考察、深度访谈、历史比较分析等方法,具体深入地考察文化主体与文化政策之间的关系,尤其是在后毛泽东时代的发展变化,以此勾勒出社会主义中国文化政策从思维到实践的运动轨迹。 ; 本文希望通过这一研究可以在以下三个方面有所贡献:(1)梳理出一种社会主义中国的文化政策的历史脉络;(2)试图通过个体深访和个体口述史,来考察社会主义中国文化政策与个体的关系,从而在微观上提供关于社会主义中国文化政策的重要实证数据。并且,(3)在中观和宏观的层面上建议一种关于社会主义中国文化政策研究的理论框架,作为今后这一研究课题发展的一个基础;(4)通过比较中国与西方发达资本主义国家之间文化政策发展与运动趋势的异同,反思中国文化政策的转型,从而为推进中国文化政策的发展与进步建言。最后,希望本论文可以对社会主义国家或发展中国家的文化政策研究提供中国经验的参考与启发。需要强调的是,本文并非急于给社会主义中国文化政策的历史变迁下定论,限于历史资料收集的有限性和文化政策历时研究的复杂性,本文主要是通过现有的史料和相关数据,来做一项关于社会主义中国文化政策领域的开拓性的基础研究,也是为日后中国文化政策研究的发展做一种铺垫。 ; The thesis project attempts to answer the questions about how the Chinese Communist Party governs the cultural domain in Contemporary China, and how the cultural governance develops and influences cultural production in China since 1949. ; This research tries systematically explores the development of the cultural policy of Socialist China by focusing on Shanghai Municipal Workers Palace of Culture and its cultural production, which is an understudied topic in Chinese Studies. Through investigating the CCP's theories, thoughts and policies in cultural sphere, the ways and rules of producing literature and art, it will systematically analyze the relationship of the Chinese party-state and culture in different historical periods, and illustrate the development of the CCP's cultural policy from theory to practice. ; The study mainly adopts Cultural Political Economy and Sociology of Culture approaches. Different from traditional cultural policy studies, it is a historical and comparative empirical inquiry with an integrated macro and micro perspective. The study introduces qualitative methods including archive analysis, field study, in-depth interview, oral history, participant observation, and historical comparative analysis and etc, to answer the ...