The study examines the results of the 1922 general elections on the basis of new research into so-far unexplored sources. One novelty of the present paper is that it compares these results to the already existing research on the field, and debates the arguments of other scholars discussing the topic. The study proves that besides the 140–143 mandates of the United Party (Egységes Párt), the government was also supported by approximately 30 members of the parliament. This altogether meant 170–173 Christian-conservative MPs. It really stood for the "Two-Third" parliamentary support of Bethlen's government. However, the paper also calls attention to the fact that the elections yielded this result not only because of the open ballot system of the rural areas, but also due to corruption and breaching of law in the sphere of civil service. Consequently, whoever praises the system of consolidation by István Bethlen's government, should also keep in mind that it was not based on universal suffrage and secret ballot that were deemed necessary in a modern parliamentary democracy.
In the Pentecost of 1939 there was the general election in Hungary. The vote passed off by the new electoral law, which was made in 1938. In the city of Hódmezıvásárhely the election – which was secret and made with party lists – was held from May 28 to 29. In the course of the campaign four parties managed to have enough recommendations: the Party of Hungarian Life (with Miklós Bonczos under-secretary of state), the Social Democratic Party (with the leadership of Ferenc Takács), the Independent Smallholders Party (with the leadership of Béla Kun) and the National Front (with the leadership of Mátyás Matolcsy), which caused a big surprise. In the course of the campaign all of the parties attacked each other, and of course they promised a lot. The winner of the election was the Party of Hungarian Life and also the second mandate was owned by the party of the government. Miklós Bonczos was elected in an other place, too, that is why he resigned the mandate. Imre Temesváry and János Lénárt – who before was on the second and on the third place of the list of the party of the government – became the parliamentarian of the city.
The study examines some recent developments in Hungarian higher education funding with some historical and international outlook. Its purpose is to present the causes of the anomalies that we are experiencing today (such anomalies include, for example, new institutional indebtedness and their central support, as well as instructor layoffs at some universities, and a sudden increase in tuition fees). The anomalies are surprising because, according to the government, the introduction of the Chancellor's system was successful in consolidating higher education. The paper states that the last ten years of Hungarian higher education were characterized by the transformation of the financing system, in addition to the reduction of state resources. In international comparison, the government support for domestic higher education compared to GDP is significantly below the average of developed countries. The government tried to deal with institutional management difficulties and indebtedness with the introduction of the Chancellor's system. (which drastically reduced autonomy), and by providing ad hoc, hand-guided cash grants. However, the financial condition of the institutions is permanently bad, which is obviously at the expense of quality, as the institutions are forced to dismiss older and more experienced trainers, and the conditions of education also deteriorate. Without widening public resources and widening economic freedom, the situation will continue to deteriorate. It is becoming increasingly evident that the idea of a government strategy to make Hungarian higher education institutions world-class is unrealistic. ; A tanulmány a hazai felsőoktatás-finanszírozás néhány újabb történését vizsgálja meg, némi történelmi és nemzetközi kitekintéssel. Célja bemutatni azt, hogy a napjainkban tapasztalható anomáliák – mint például az újabb intézményi eladósodások és azok központi kisegítése (miközben a kancellári rendszer bevezetésével állítólag sikeres volt a felsőoktatás konszolidációja), elbocsátások egyes tudományegyetemeken, hirtelen tandíjemelés – mire vezethetők vissza. Az írás megállapítja, hogy a hazai felsőoktatás elmúlt tíz évét az állami források beszűkülése mellett a finanszírozási rendszer átalakulása jellemezte. Nemzetközi összehasonlításban a hazai felsőoktatás kormányzati forrásai (az állami támogatások aránya a GDP-hez viszonyítva) jelentősen elmaradnak a fejlett országok átlagától. A mindezek nyomán kialakult intézményi gazdálkodási nehézségeket a kormány a kancellári rendszer bevezetésével – s ezzel együtt a gazdasági autonómia radikális és az akadémiai (oktatási és kutatási) autonómia vele járó nem jelentéktelen korlátozásával –, valamint eseti, kézzel vezérelt konszolidációs pénzosztogatással próbálta kezelni. Az intézmények kondicionális helyzete azonban tartósan rossz, ami nyilvánvalóan a minőség rovására megy, hiszen az intézmények az idősebb és tapasztaltabb oktatók elbocsátására kényszerülnek, és az oktatás feltételei is romlanak. Félő, hogy az állami források bővülése és a gazdálkodási szabadság kiszélesítése nélkül a helyzet tovább romlik. Egyre nyilvánvalóbban irreálissá válik a kormányzati stratégiának nevezett anyag azon célkitűzése, amely szerint minden magyar felsőoktatási intézmény világszínvonalú kell legyen azokban a diszciplínákban, amelyek a saját kiemelt területéhez tartoznak.
The peace treaty that was signed by the representatives of the Hungarian government at the Grand Trianon Palace in Versailles on the 4th June 1920, closed the hostilities between the warring parties, and with its 364 articles, it recorded the severe conditions of peace, striking on the defeated Hungary. The peace agreement has not yet become effective with the signing ceremony. The enactment, ratification and sanction of the signed treaty were just ahead. Since the peace treaty was among the international agreements that came in force only after the ratification – and the implementation could also be demanded after the act – the Hungarian party done all to ensure that the ratification take place as late as possible. They wanted to achieve their limited revisionist goals during this period. However, the victorious powers urged the prompt ratification. It was more than a year process from the beginning of the ratification till the peace agreement entered into force which period can be divided into two major clearly separable phases. The first phase lasted from the signing of the peace treaty on 4 June 1920 till 26 October 1920 with its submission to the National Assembly. The second phase includes parliamentary debates and the ratification itself lasting until 26 July 1921, the exchanging of the ratification documents. The size of the subject made it necessary to present the events of the two periods in two separate studies. Thus, the present study describes and analyzes the events of the first period. The essay gives full details of the ratification as an international norm, covering the codification position of Hungary and the Little Entente states and, relating to the victorious powers efforts. The document gives a detailed analyzes of the great powers's policy which finally forced the Hungarian government to submit the ratification of the Trianon Peace Treaty to the National Assembly.
To solve ecological problems the contribution of international organizations, national governments, civil organizations, companies,academic researchers, and individuals is required. The unsustainable buyer, consumer and user patterns have to be changed.Fortunately, nowadays there are more and more efforts on the part of consumers, according to the results of consumer researches ecologicalconsciousness of consumers is ascendant over the world. The ecologically conscious consumer segment persistently rises, andthis segment can be featured accurately not by demographic, but by psychographic variables. Individuals have several opportunitiesto lower own environment use, one form of it is proenvironmental purchasing behaviour (Buy eco-labelled products, organic food orenergy-efficient household appliances, refuse animal tested cosmetics, disposable products and plastic bags, etc.). According to ourresearch, the Hungarian population have positive general environmental attitudes and can be divided into five clusters: Neglectfultownspeople, Environment sensitive people, Distance-keeping inquirers, Doubters, and Responsibility-taking countrymen. Hungarianpeople are not environmentally conscious in their purchases. In demographics gender, age and education have a weak or possibly amedium, property status and residence has a strong, significant influence. Positive attitudes increase while negative attitudes decreasethe possibilities of such activities. ; To solve ecological problems the contribution of international organizations, national governments, civil organizations, companies,academic researchers, and individuals is required. The unsustainable buyer, consumer and user patterns have to be changed.Fortunately, nowadays there are more and more efforts on the part of consumers, according to the results of consumer researches ecologicalconsciousness of consumers is ascendant over the world. The ecologically conscious consumer segment persistently rises, andthis segment can be featured accurately not by demographic, but by psychographic variables. Individuals have several opportunitiesto lower own environment use, one form of it is proenvironmental purchasing behaviour (Buy eco-labelled products, organic food orenergy-efficient household appliances, refuse animal tested cosmetics, disposable products and plastic bags, etc.). According to ourresearch, the Hungarian population have positive general environmental attitudes and can be divided into five clusters: Neglectfultownspeople, Environment sensitive people, Distance-keeping inquirers, Doubters, and Responsibility-taking countrymen. Hungarianpeople are not environmentally conscious in their purchases. In demographics gender, age and education have a weak or possibly amedium, property status and residence has a strong, significant influence. Positive attitudes increase while negative attitudes decreasethe possibilities of such activities.
Central Europe means different political, economic, cultural, geopolitical and a "regional security community" contents in relation to my topic. Nowadays, this region, the "Central Europe" region primarily means the V-4 cooperation and the very important role and initiatives of the region in the EU. The V-4 cooperation, which was established in 1991, can be conceived as an attempt at creating a special form, as a mechanism and sub-stance to the political dimension of this region. The four members of the special mechanism are trying to get closer to one another by relying on solidarity with each other. The V-4 cooperation is based on the common history of the participating countries and close similarities between their recent transformation processes. Such resemblances explain the V4 structure's success, including parallel navigation in the problems of European Union and NATO accession. In the absence of permanent institutions [except the International Visegrad Fund (IVF)], the dimension and ambitions of the V-4 cooperation depends on the political objective of the governments and direct security environment, which impacts on these countries.
Food security for the world's growing population is one of the biggest challenges of the future due to resource constraints and global climate change. Fish and other aquatic foods can play a prominent role in the food supply, especially as the ecological footprint of aquaculture is smaller than that of other food production systems. Although the production of marine aquaculture shows an increasing trend, freshwater aquaculture remains dominant in world aquaculture production, especially in developing countries. The resilience of developing countries to the future challenges in food production is very low, so many international projects are trying to improve the situation. Laos is one of the least developed countries of the world, where aquaculture plays an important role in fish supply and employment. In Laos, several international projects are addressed to develop the agricultural economy and food supply, but Hungary is one of the largest donors in this field, given the traditional agricultural relations and strategic cooperation between the two countries. Although the abundance of aquatic resources provides a good opportunity for the development of fisheries and aquaculture in Laos, the growth of the fishery sector is hampered by several factors. These include the lack of good quality stocking material and fish feed, the underdeveloped infrastructure and institutional system, funding problems and weak human resources. The main purpose of the tied aid loans provided by the Hungarian government to Laos is to improve food safety and food security. The development of the fish value chain plays an important role in these programs, which can be considered as a good example even on international level. Hungarian projects also help Hungarian institutions and small and medium-sized enterprises to strengthen their presence in Southeast Asia, that is a region of the world where economy is developing in a dynamic way. ; A világ növekvő népességének élelmiszerellátása a jövő egyik nagy kihívása tekintettel az erőforrások szűkösségére és a globális klímaváltozásra. A hal és más vízi élelmiszerek kiemelkedő szerepet játszhatnak az élelmiszerellátásban különös tekintettel arra, hogy az akvakultúra ökológiai lábnyoma lényegesen kisebb, mint más élelmiszertermelő rendszereké. Bár a tengeri akvakultúra termelése növekvő tendenciát mutat, a világ akvakultúra termelésében meghatározó marad az édesvízi élőlények termelése, különösen a fejlődő országokban. A világ szegényebb országai élelmiszertermelésének a jövőbeni kihívásokkal szembeni ellenállóképessége igen gyenge, ezért számos nemzetközi projekt próbál a helyzeten javítani. A világ legfejletlenebb országai közé tartozik Laosz, ahol az akvakultúrának fontos szerepe van a halellátásban és a foglalkoztatásban. Laoszban több nemzetközi projekt segíti az agrárgazdaság és az élelmiszerellátás fejlesztését, azonban Magyarország az egyik legnagyobb donor e területen, tekintettel a két ország közötti hagyományos agrár kapcsolatokra és a stratégiai együttműködésre. Laoszban a gazdag vízi erőforrások jó lehetőséget biztosítanak a halászat és az akvakultúra fejlesztésére, azonban a lehetőségek kihasználását számos tényező nehezíti. Olyanok, mint például a minőségi ivadék- és takarmányellátás hiánya, a fejletlen infrastruktúra és intézményrendszer, a finanszírozási problémák, illetve a képzett munkaerő hiánya. A magyar kormány által Laosz számára biztosított kötött segélyhitelek kiemelt célja az élelmiszerbiztonság és az élelmiszerellátás biztonságának javítása. E programokban a hal értéklánc fejlesztésének fontos szerepe van, amely nemzetközileg is példaértékű. A magyar projektek segítik azt is, hogy magyar intézmények, illetve kis- és közepes vállalkozások erősíthetik jelenlétüket Délkelet Ázsiában, amelyik a világ egy gazdaságilag dinamikusan fejlődő régiója.
A régiók nem csak a közelmúltban jelentek meg az európai politika színpadán, mint önálló szereplők, tevékenységüket már évtizedek óta jegyzik. Ennek középpontjában mindenekelőtt a régiók határokon átnyúló együttműködése áll, ezt egészítették ki a régiók transznacionális megállapodásaival, amelyek arra szolgáltak, hogy a nemzetállamok kormányaival valamint a nemzetközi szervezetekkel, különösképpen az Európa Tanáccsal és az Európai Közösséggel szemben érdekképviseletüket gyakorolják. Az utóbbi időben a régiók egyre energikusabban és követelőbben hívták fel magukra a figyelmet. Tevékenységük súlypontja jelenleg nyilvánvalóan az EU és az integrációs folyamatokon belül helyezkedik el. A régiók mint az EU-kontextus politikai tényezői igen sokrétű tevékenységet mutatnak fel, amelyek az "Európa régiói" megjelölésben foglalhatók össze. Az elnevezésből, mint sokszor használatos szlogenből azonban hiányzik egy egyértelmű és ugyanakkor közös megegyezéssel alapuló, elfogadott tartalom. Regions appeared as autonomous entities on the European political stage not only in recent years. The activity of regions has been recorded for decades. It focuses above all on the cross-border cooperation of regions, and was supplemented by the trans-national agreements of regions, which served to practice their representation against the governments of nation states as well as international organisations, in particular, the European Council and the European Community. Most recently, regions have drawn attention to their presence more and more and when doing so have found increasing attention. Their centre of activity is now obviously located within the EU and the integration processes. Regions as the political factors of the EU context show a wide range of activities that can be summarized under the label of 'the regions of Europe'. The name, as a frequently used slogan, is lacking a clear and at the same time jointly agreed, accepted content. Regions and regionalism are rather flourishing in Europe. But what do regionalism and the expression Europe of regions exactly mean? There are many approaches to the question, the concept of cross-border interregionality between the Member States of the European Union, or the effort to make regions the basic building blocks of European integration instead of states, and the objective to introduce a three-tier structure to the European Union which would extend the already existing tiers of the European Union and the Member States with a third one, the territorial units within nation states. The first approach has long been adopted, the second approach is rather utopian. The third one is subject to fierce debates: a three-tier European Union with European, nation state and regional levels.
