Suchergebnisse

Vlada demokratskog jedinstva nastala je u početcima otvorene velikosrpske agresije na Hrvatsku, ali i usred krize strateško-obrambene koncepcije. Tuđmanova politika čekanja i kupovanja vremena te izbjegavanja frontalnog i općeg sukoba s JNA, doveli su do javnog kritiziranja njegove obrambene politike od strane oporbe i dijela HDZ-a. U okolnostima sveobuhvatne agresije i, prema nekim navodima, očekivanja raskola u hrvatskoj politici, sredinom srpnja počela je rekonstrukcija postojeće Vlade. Novi mandatar Franjo Gregurić okupljao je kadrove za sastavljanje Vlade, a u tom razdoblju javila se ideja o potrebi proširenja Vlade i nekim nestranačkim kandidatima pa i predstavnicima oporbe. U samo dva-tri dana pregovora postignut je nacionalni konsenzus i potpisan Sporazum saborskih stranaka, čime je stvorena Vlada demokratskog jedinstva. Vlada se sastojala od devet parlamentarnih stranaka, od kojih je osam imalo svoje predstavnike u Vladi. Unatoč činjenici da je 1990-ih godina u Hrvatskoj na snazi bio polupredsjednički sustav koji je predsjedniku Republike davao prilično široke ovlasti, Vlada je na području obrambene i vanjske politike pokazivala određeni stupanj samostalnosti. Prema nekim tvrdnjama Vrhovno državno vijeće je ograničavalo slobodu djelovanja Vlade tako da se za svog jednogodišnjeg mandata Vlada trebala često boriti za veću samostalnost i slobodu djelovanja. S druge strane, Vlada je imala potpunu slobodu u unutarnjim poslovima, primjerice u njezinoj politici prema prognanicima i izbjeglicama, kao i u gospodarskoj politici. Unatoč tvrdnjama o "nestanku" oporbe u vrijeme te višestranačke vlade, s obzirom na to da su potpisivanjem Sporazuma o Vladi demokratskog jedinstva saborske stranke od oporbenih formalno postale koalicijske, dostupni izvori navode na drukčiji zaključak. Naime, predstavnici pojedinih oporbenih i ujedno koalicijskih stranaka od listopada 1991. godine često su kritizirali neke odluke vlasti, koje su se posebno odnosile na vanjsku politiku. Predmet njihovih kritika bile su ujedno Vladine i Tuđmanove uredbe sa zakonskom snagom. Vlada je posljednjih šest mjeseci svog mandata bila izložena pritiscima oporbe i dijela HDZ-a. Međunarodno priznanje Hrvatske i priprema za nove parlamentarne i predsjedničke izbore uzrokovali su pritiske na Vladu demokratskog jedinstva, što se prije svega očitovalo u odlascima određenih nestranačkih i oporbenih ministara, a kasnije dovelo i do velike travanjske rekonstrukcije Vlade u kojoj je u znatnoj mjeri promijenjen njezin sastav u korist HDZ-a. Vlada demokratskog jedinstva nastavila je djelovati do kolovoza, kad je nakon novih parlamentarnih izbora formirana nova, jednostranačka HDZ-ova vlada. ; After the democratic elections in Croatia in the spring of 1990 and the victory of Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), the new Croatian Government faced the Serbian insurgency which expressed approval for the Milošević's Greater-Serbian policy. The insurgency was supported by the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) that had disarmed Croatia just after the elections in May 1990. In the summer of 1991, the Yugoslav crisis aggravated. Previous occasional and sporadic conflicts between Croatian police forces and the Serbian insurgents escalated into the open aggression of Serbia, Montenegro and JNA against Croatia. In such conditions, Croatian leadership was conflicted about the defense policy. The disagreement caused the appearance of some fractions in the parliament parties, especially in HDZ. Some participants of Croatian politics in the early 1990s today assert that there were at least two main fractions in HDZ – the "moderate" one that supported Tuđman's policy based on avoiding head-on conflict with JNA, and the "radical" one that wanted to declare JNA and Serbia the aggressors on Croatia and to fight back. Some claim that the "radical" fraction even wanted to bring down Tuđman and replace him with someone else. There isn't enough evidence to verify such statements. It probably was the case of dissatisfaction with the situation on the battlefield. Some write about wide discontent and criticism of Tuđman regarding his defense policy, which was evident at the meetings of the main Board of HDZ in the middle of July, Supreme State Council in the end of July and parliamentary session in the beginning of August 1991. Regarding the attitude towards Tuđman, there is a widespread and simplified opinion that his party turned its back on him and that the opposition expressed him support. Exactly the opposite, the opposition, especially heads of the parties Croatian Social-Liberal Party (HSLS), Croatian democratic party (HDS), and Croatian People's party (HNS) expressed equal, or even more severe, criticism of Tuđman's defense policy. In that kind of atmosphere, the reconstruction of the Government resulted in the national consensus – Democratic Unity Government was formed. It was the third democratic Government and the first multiparty Government after the democratic elections. It is an example of a Grand coalition formed during the war in many countries. The main goal of the new Government was to create more effective defense policy that would gather all the necessary political and military structures and establish the unified command structure. That resulted in entering of the Crisis Staff into the Government and forming of the General Staff of the Croatian Army. In the first two months of its mandate, the Government proposed and adopted measures for emergency readiness in order to organize life in the crisis areas. One of those measures included the blockade of the JNA barracks which Tuđman approved September 13 1991. With the blockade, the previous measured and careful attitude of the Croatian leadership towards JNA shifted from passive to active. One part of the research discussed the role of the Government in defense of the cities of Vukovar and Dubrovnik. Regarding Vukovar, there are some controversies embodied in widespread claims that Croatian leadership "betrayed" and "sacrificed" Vukovar by not sending enough weaponry and ammunition. However, available sources, primarily transcripts and records of the Government sessions, suggest that Vukovar was the priority in the supply of weaponry and ammunition. Furthermore, some members of the Government and other representatives of the Croatian leadership visited Vukovar and Eastern-Slavonian battlefield. In the context of all the crisis areas on the Croatian battlefield, Vukovar was the most dominant topic at the Government sessions. At the session held November 17, the Government adopted a series of decisions pertaining to the protection of Vukovar civilians. In the appeals to the international organizations, Vukovar and Dubrovnik were the two most mentioned cities. As was the case with Vukovar, the Government sent weaponry and other military equipment, transported humanitarian aid to Dubrovnik and appealed for help. It is worth mentioning convoy "Libertas" which supplied humanitarian aid to the surrounded Dubrovnik and broke the naval blockade. Also, some Government members came by the convoy to Dubrovnik to show their support. At the end of November 1991, Government sent three of its ministers to Dubrovnik where they had to represent the Government and facilitate its operation in Southern Dalmatia, maintain contacts with the international organizations, negotiate with the JNA representatives and maintain communication with the Croatian Army. The three ministers Davorin Rudolf, Petar Kriste and Ivan Cifrić were situated in Dubrovnik during its heaviest attack and the day after they agreed to a truce with the JNA representatives. The Government supported the negotiations between the city military and civil representatives and JNA because it wanted to procrastinate with the attacks and buy some time to strengthen the military and international position of Croatia. On the other hand, the Government and Tuđman strongly opposed to intentions of "demilitarization" of Dubrovnik which would surrender its arms to the JNA under the supervision of representatives of the international community, i.e. surrender of the city to the aggressor. Second most important task of the Government was the struggle for international recognition. The establishment of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs showed all the problems of the political structures that young democratic state had to face. Such problems refer to lack of experience as well as technical and financial resources. The Government cooperated with the European Community and the United Nations. Although, Tuđman was the designer of the Forreign Affairs and the Government often had to put into action his decisions, during the Conference of peace in Hague it showed some differentiation, such as declaring it would abort the attending of the Conference unless JNA left Croatia. After the arms embargo in September 1991, the Croatian Government deprived of the right of representation of Croatia in the UN Budimir Lončar and Darko Šilović, due to their role in instigating the decision of the UN regarding embargo. The Government Memorandum, addressed to ministerial Council of the EC in November 22, stated that economic sanctions of the Roman declaration of November 8 would affect mostly Croatia. Such view showed a certain degree of independence of the Democratic Unity Government. The Government accepted the Vance plan but argued the methods of its implementation. The activity of the Government in Forreign Affairs reflects in numerous official and unofficial meetings and encounters with various politicians and statesmen. The main task of the Government members was to appeal to stop the war and recognize Croatia, but they also had to struggle against Serbian propaganda which spread lies about rehabilitation of Ustasha and Independent State of Croatia (NDH) and portrayed president Tuđman and the Croatian Government as anti-Semitic. In that context, some think that the Croatian Government and leadership in general, provided insufficient to the international public. In this research, I also analyzed social politics of the Democratic Unity Government, that is, politics towards Croatian displaced persons and refugees as well as Bosnian-Herzegovinian refugees during 1991 and 1992. At the very beginning of the aggression against Croatia, new Croatian Government had to face refugee crisis. Forcible relocations of the Croatian civilians, among which some moved into safe areas in Croatia, while others left the country, induced Government to, with the term "refugee", which refers to those persons who had to emigrate their own country, introduce another one – "displaced persons", which referred to those civilians who hadn't left Croatia, only were displaced to some other territory within the country. Government also adopted some measures to secure accommodation for the displaced persons and refugees by emptying hotels and resorts and founding of the Office for the displaced persons and refugees in November 1991. Funds for the displaced persons and refugees Government secured mostly from the state budget, while all requests for financial help from the international community were unsuccessful. Consequently, in that period Croatia funded also Bosnian-Herzegovinian refugees from its budget, while the international community helped only with humanitarian help. In this chapter the Government activity in prevention of persecution of the civilian population was discussed through several examples. In that aspect, its activities were mostly limited to addressing the international community. In the case of Ilok, from where in October 1991 approximately 10.000 people were banished, Government founded the Commission of the Parliament and Government to try to stop the persecution, but it failed to achieve its goal, since the persecution had already begun. After the fall and occupation of Vukovar in November 1991, the Government organized evacuation of approximately 15.000 people, but it was carried out only partially. The Government didn't have control over the war zone, which means that its opportunities for safe and efficient evacuation were highly limited. One of the main plans for the displaced persons and refugees was Government's Return Program, which began its realization only after the end of the war and peaceful reintegration of Podunavlje in 1998. Economic politics of the Democratic Unity Government was reflected in its independence from Serbia. Following measures and decisions of the previous Croatian Government, on the day of its establishment, Democratic Unity Government broke off economic relations with Serbia, however only partially. Those companies with strong business ties with some companies in Serbia, had liberty to continue their cooperation. The export to Serbia and Montenegro was limited only to some "strategic" raw materials and products, such as petroleum. The Government also introduced its own currency, hrvatski dinar (HRD). One of the main achievements of the Government was that it avoided the transit to "war economy", in spite of the increased military spending. Since priority of the Croatian Government was determined by war, its activities gravitated towards repair of the enormous war damage in transport, utility and residential infrastructure. In the end of 1991 the Government established the Ministry of Reconstruction, while in the first half of 1992 the Government composed the Reconstruction Program and its Financial Plan that was adopted by the Croatian Parliament in June 1992. Nevertheless, because of the status quo imposed by the UNPROFOR, located on the occupied territories in Croatia, the reconstruction of the country began after the war had ended in 1995. Analyzed activities of the Government in the Defense policy, Foreign Affairs, as well as its Social and Economic policy raise the question of the Government's independence regarding Tuđman and Croatian Parliament. Considering the semi-presidential system, the Government was the executive authority of the president of the Republic and Croatian Parliament. Government also had legislative powers authorized by the Parliament, because in the wartime a great number of important decisions had to be made in a very short amount of time. The Government was not only the executive body of the President, but it also functioned as his close associate. That manifests mostly through the measures for emergency readiness in August and September 1991. Sometimes, the Government had to step out of its Constitutional powers if developments on the battlefield required it to, for example regarding the decisions about Vukovar, November 17 1991. Regarding activities of the Government in the researched areas, it can be concluded that Democratic Unity Government had a high level of autonomy, taking into account the existing semi-presidential system. Nevertheless, the powers of the Government were limited in the Defense policy and Forregin Affairs, while on the other hand, it had complete autonomy in Internal Affairs, in this case, in its Social and Economic politics. An issue that requires special consideration in this research regards the opposition in Croatia during the mandate of the Democratic Unity Government. Some claim that with forming of the multiparty Government, the opposition in Croatia "disappeared". The remark is understandable considering that all the parliament parties signed the Agreement of Democratic Unity Government, which marked their transition from the opposition to coalition partners. But, did the opposition really "disappeared" form Croatian political life? Numerous public appearances of various representatives of opposition parties and parties in general, indicate otherwise. Activity of the opposition at the Parliament sessions from October 1991 to May and June 1992 shows agility of the opposition life in Croatia. From the beginning of the Democratic Unity Government in August till October, the opposition parties didn't raise any questions in public about some decisions of the Croatian leadership, but from October began severe criticism towards Tuđman and the Government. Discontent was expressed primarily to the acceptance of the Carrington's arrangement in Hague. Criticism of Foreign Affairs arose also after the acceptance of the Vance plan. In the last six months of its mandate, the Government was exposed to various pressures from the opposition and from one part of the HDZ, which reinforced especially after the international recognition at the beginning of 1992. Some opposition and nonpartisan ministers left the Government, whereas in April 1992 there was the reconstruction of the Government which changed significantly the personnel composition of the Government, resulting in the increase of the HDZ members. It was obvious that it was not the exact same Government from the beginning of August 1991 and that its end was near. In the new elections held August 2 1992, the HDZ defeated its opponents and ten days later, new, One-party Government was formed. Establishment and presented activities of the Democratic Unity Government is the proof of the democratic system in Republic of Croatia at the beginning of 1990s and counter-argument for theses about Tuđman's authoritarian style of rule. A multiparty Government, whose prominent members were opposition representatives, couldn't have been formed in an undemocratic or authoritarian system. Forming of the Grand Coalition merely one year after HDZ had won the elections, provides a valuable contribution to the study of Tuđman's policy, shows larger picture of the Croatian leadership and opens the door for further research of Croatian political life in the early 1990s.

One aspect of the modernization of liberal government in the late 20th century was an increased attention to policy, both as a concept for interrogating government, and as the basis for organizing work within government, leading to the development of 'policy analysis' as a decision tool. This paper reviews the development of specialised forms of 'policy work' in liberal western political systems in order to establish what can be learned by other sorts of polity, and in particular, the transitional states of Eastern Europe. It discusses the multiple and overlapping accounts of policy that are in use, and the implications that these have for the nature of policy work. It points out that policy work takes place in multiple locations where a diversity of rationales may apply, and discusses the implications of this analysis for the place of policy work in the modernization of government. ; Jedan aspekt modernizacije liberalne vladavine potkraj 20. stoljeća bio je pridavanje veće pozornosti javnim politikama, i kao pojmu za ispitivanje vlade i kao temelju za organiziranje posla unutar vlade, što je dovelo do razvoja "analize javnih politika" kao sredstva odlučivanja. U ovom se radu razmatra razvoj specijaliziranih oblika "rada na javnim politikama" u liberalnim zapadnim političkim sustavima kako bi se utvrdilo što se može naučiti od drugih oblika državnog uređenja, osobito od tranzicijskih država Istočne Europe. Razmatraju se brojna i preklapajuća tumačenja javnih politika te posljedice tih tumačenja na prirodu rada na javnim politikama. Ističe se da se rad na javnim politikama zbiva na mnoštvu mjesta na kojima se možda primjenjuje niz različitih načela, te se razmatraju implikacije te analize za položaj rada na javnim politikama u modernizaciji vlasti.

Predmet istraživanja rada je utjecaj jedinica lokalne i regionalne samouprave Varaždinske županije na formiranje populacijske politike. Analizom statističkih podataka prikazana su osnovna demografska obilježja županije. Opisana je problematika demografske politike u Hrvatskoj od osamostaljenja do danas i identificirane su ovlasti koje imaju općine, upravni gradovi i županije za provedbu mjera populacijske politike. Intenzitet i efikasnost postojećih demografskih mjera lokalne i regionalne samouprave Varaždinske županije analizirane su uz pomoć proračunskih dokumenata i službenih odgovora dobivenih putem zahtjeva za pristupom informacijama. Poseban osvrt napravljen je na strategije razvoja lokalne samouprave i njihova odnosa prema demografiji u budućnosti. Zaključno su predložene mjere demografskog oporavka Varaždinske županije koje mogu provesti upravni gradovi i općine. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju kako su mjere koje provodi lokalna uprava nesustavne, neučinkovite (izostaje porast nataliteta), bez definiranih ciljeva i vremenskih rokova te da populacijsku politiku mora provoditi država. ; The thesis topic and subject of research is influence of the local and regional self-government units in Varaždin County on the development of population policy. The analysis of statistical data shows the basic demographic characteristics of the County. Demographic policy issues in Croatia are described since independence, and the authority of municipalities, towns and counties for implementation of population policy measures has been identified. The intensity and efficiency of existing demographic measures of local and regional self-government units of Varaždin County were analyzed using budget documents and official responses received through requests for access to information. A special review was made on local self-government development strategies and their attitude towards demography in the future. In conclusion are proposed measures of demographic recovery of Varaždin County, which can be implemented by towns and ...

U radu se razmatraju implikacije braniteljskih naknada na socijalnu politiku i fiskalnu održivost u jednom od dva entiteta Bosne i Hercegovine, Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine. Autor nastoji obuhvatiti promjene tijekom vremena i povezati ih s procesom demilitarizacije, kao i s utjecajem i pritiskom braniteljskih udruga, što je rezultiralo mjerama koje pogoduju određenim grupama branitelja, često nauštrb drugih korisnika i dugoročne održivosti sustava. Socijalna politika i zakonodavstvo koje regulira status branitelja u Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine temelji se na statusu, što vladinim dužnosnicima daje prostor za značajne diskrecijske odluke o dodjeli sredstava. Time se destabiliziraju javne financije, dok se malo toga poduzima u borni protiv siromaštva. ; The paper addresses the implications of war veteran benefits on social policy and fiscal sustainability in one of the two B&H entities, the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The author attempts to address changes over time and relate these to the process of demilitarisation, as well as the influence and pressures exerted by war veteran associations, which resulted in policies favourable to certain war veteran groups, often at the expense of other beneficiaries and the system's long term sustainability. Social policy and war veteran legislation in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina is status based, which provides scope for considerable discretion by government officials in deciding where to allocate funds. This, in turn, is destabilising public finances, while little is being done to address poverty alleviation.

Pojam policy središnji je pojam u praksi, jednako kao i u analizi javnog upravljanja, no rijetko kad je predmet velike teorijske pozornosti. On čini dio pretpostavljenoga svijeta stvari u kojem se neupitno pretpostavlja da je javno upravljanje koherentan, hijerarhijski i instrumentaliziran proces, a da je policy oblik izbora na temelju vlasti. Takvo predstavljanje upravljanja predmet je empirijskih i teorijskih kritika u kojima se vladavina u mnogo većoj mjeri prikazuje kao oblik strukturirane interakcije. No te kritike ne uspijevaju potkopati snagu dominantnoga prikaza policyja kao izbora na temelju vlasti. Stoga je središnje pitanje analize i prakse javnih politika pitanje odnosa tih dvaju suprotstavljenih prikaza. Za policy se tvrdi da kao polje proučavanja pripada političkoj znanosti, no u njegovu proučavanju ona se nadmeće s ekonomijom. Različiti dijelovi ekonomije i političke znanosti mobiliziraju se u analizi politika, pri čemu svaka od tih znanosti daje specifi čan doprinos oblikovanju analize procesa policyja. Instrumentalizirano oblikovanje policyja i njegove evaluacije dominantan su oblik glavnoga tijeka američkoga pristupa literaturi o policyju, no taj se pristup dovodi u pitanje sve većim usmjeravanjem pozornosti na specifičnosti organizacije i na tumačenje značenja pojma policy. Objedinjavanje takvih različitih pristupa u jedan zajednički pristup osnažuje analizu politika, no istodobno zahtijeva preispitivanje pretpostavki o mjestu javnih politika u procesu upravljanja. ; The concept of policy is a central element in both the practice and the analysis of governing, but it is rarely subject to much theoretical scrutiny. It forms part of an assumptive world in which it is taken for granted that governing is a coherent, hierarchical and instrumental process, and that policy is a pattern of authorised choice. This presentation of governing is subject to both empirical and theoretical critiques, which present government rather in terms of structured interaction. But these critiques do not appear to ...

Jezik je najvažnija ljudska djelatnost koja omogućuje funkcioniranje društva na svim njegovim razinama. Od iznimne je važnosti njegovo komunikacijsko svojstvo pomoću kojega se pripadnici istoga govornoga područja sporazumijevaju i tako izgrađuju novu jezičnu stvarnost. Kao što se sve pojave u političkoj zajednici nastoje urediti i normirati, tako je i s jezikom. I jezik je potrebno normirati i unificirati. Tu je zadaću oduvijek imala država, odnosno vladajuće elite kojima je bilo u cilju organizirati vlast na određenom teritoriju, a jezik se pokazao kao jednim od elemenata kojim se postiže snažna homogenizacija naroda, i to kroz osjećaj pripadnosti, odnosno identifikaciju s jezikom. Ozbiljniji procesi jezičnoga planiranja i jezične politike javljaju se tek u 19. stoljeću s pojavom nacionalnih država. U suvremeno doba tu ulogu preuzimaju javni mediji, a jedan od njih je i dnevni tisak koji utječe na oblikovanje javnoga jezika. U radu se analizira leksik dnevnih novina da bi se uočile i zabilježile određene promjene koje je hrvatski jezik doživio u razdoblju od petnaest godina od uspostave hrvatske države 1991. ; Language is the most important human achievement, enabling functio¬ning of society at its many levels. It enables communication between in¬dividuals from the same language group and builds their linguistic reality. Like all other properties of political societies, language has to be regulated and normed. This was always the realm of states or leading elites that tried to organize governments at certain territories. Language was often used to achieve a strong national homogeneity through feeling of belonging, or iden¬tification with the language. More organized processes of language planning and language politics appear with the establishment of nation states in the 19th century. In modern times the role of the state was taken over by public media, including daily newspapers that influence the formation of public language. In this paper we analyze the lexical forms of daily papers in order to notice and register certain changes that Croatian language experienced in the period of 15 years since the formation of the modern Croatian state in 1991.

U radu se prikazuju neke od temeljnih koncepcija lokalne samouprave koje su se iskristalizirale u literaturi. Prikazuju se koncepcija političke i upravne decentralizacije, marksistička koncepcija komune te pristupi razvijeni u okviru nekih meðunarodnih asocijacija, prvenstveno koncept razvoja zajednice i načelo supsidijarnosti. U nastavku se analizira sadržaj prava na lokalnu samoupravu i njegova zaštita u pravnom sustavu Republike Hrvatske. Poseban naglasak stavljen je na uređenje raspuštanja lokalnih predstavničkih tijela. Nadalje, u radu se kritički analizira uređenje sustava lokalne samouprave u Republici Hrvatskoj. Pri tome se razlikuju dvije faze. Prva, koja je velikom dijelom počivala na koncepciji upravne decentralizacije, dominirala je uređenjem lokalne samouprave u prvih deset godina samostalnosti. Političkim, ustavnim i zakonskim promjenama u razdoblju 2000.–2001., formalno je započela druga faza uređenja lokalne samouprave u Republici Hrvatskoj utemeljena na koncepciji političke decentralizacije. ; The article presents some of the fundamental concepts of local self-government which have crystallized in literature. The concepts of political and administrative decentralisation, the Marxist concept of the commune and the approaches developed within the framework of some international associations, primarily the concept of the development of the community and the principle of subsidiarity are presented. The content of the right to local self-government and its protection in the legal system of the Republic of Croatia, regulation of local self-government and particularly regulation of the dissolution of local representative bodies are analysed. There are two phases of the regulation of local self-government. The first one, mostly based on the concept of administrative decentralisation, dominated the local self-government regulation for the first ten years of its independence. In that phase, the local government did not sufficiently develop its democratic potential, which was the consequence of a number of factors. Among others, the legal framework which regarded local units as instruments of central government, high level of centralisation, undeveloped democratic environment, inadequate territorial division, etc. By political, constitutional and legal changes in the period of 2000/1, the second phase of the local self-government regulation in Croatia formally started. The basic approach to local self-government is dominated by the concept of political decentralisation. Although legal solutions provide for the development of local potentials, there remains the question of the direction of further development of local self-government in the Republic of Croatia. The experience so far has shown that there is still not enough attention paid to the development of local institutions. There are still numerous problems, while there is not enough political will to lead systematically an active decentralisation policy. The policy of enlarging and strengthening of local units is not clear enough. In the end, it is pointed out that along with the basic provisions which regulate local self-government, it is also necessary to use other mechanisms in order to build a modern system of local self-government prepared for European integration.

U radu se opisuje i komentira The Local Government Reform Project (2000–2007) u Hrvatskoj, navode njegove temeljne premise te sistematizira rad na Projektu. Radilo se na četiri reformska pravca – jačanje decentralizacijske politike, prijenos znanja i vještina radi jačanja odgovornosti, oblikovanje institucija te suradnja s medijima obavještavanje lokalnih samoupravnih jedinica i građana. Jačanje decentralizacijske politike nastojalo se provesti, na primjer, iniciranjem obuhvatne decentralizacijske reforme, radom na promjenama i poboljšanjima zakonodavstva, jačanjem uloge Udruge gradova te izgradnjom mreže za zagovaranje decentralizacije. Prijenos znanja i vještina nastojao se provesti usavršavanjem lokalnih službenika, poboljšanjem metoda upravljanja lokalnom imovinom i financijama, usavršavanjem postupaka i prakse javne nabave i investicija, izradom kompjutorskog programa za upravljanje lokalnim financijama, nastojanjem oko primjene mjera e-upravljanja u lokalnoj samoupravi, itd. Izgradnja institucija bila je usmjerena prema Udruzi gradova, Akademiji lokalne demokracije, obrazovnim inicijativama širom zemlje te jačanju suradnje lokalnih samoupravnih jedinica. Pristup je bio participativan, odozdo-prema-gore, praktičan i podupirući. ; The Local Government Reform Project (2000–2007) in Croatia is described and commented. Main premises are noticed and work within the Project systematised. There were four reform directions – policy reform with a focus on decentralization, knowledge and skill transfer to increase accountability, institution building, and, finally, media outreach and local government and citizen information. Measures for reaching policy reform were, for example, introduction of a comprehensive decentralization reform, improvement of respective legislation, strengthening the role of the Association of Cities and building advocacy network. Knowledge and skills transfer was attempted by building capacity of local government professionals, working on asset and internal financial management, procurement and investment procedures and practices, creating new software with regard to financial management, promoting e-government measures, etc. Institution building was concentrated on the Association of Cities, the Local Democracy Academy, education initiatives throughout the country, and localgovernment cooperation. The overall approach was participative, bottom-up, practical, and supportive.

Razina ekonomske slobode svake se godine mjeri putem jedinstvene svjetske metodologije. Na taj je način kanadski Fraser Institute razvio sustavni pristup javnim politikama koje utječu na opseg javne potrošnje i državne imovine, visinu glavnih poreza, inflaciju, slobodnu trgovinu, na regulaciju poslovanja, tržišta rada i kredita te ostala mjerena područja. Takav policy okvir može biti koristan za dizajniranje strukturnih prilagodbi kojima se poduzetnike može osloboditi od prekomjernog utjecaja i troška države. Također, smanjivanjem i ograničavanjem uloge države ekonomske slobode doprinose poboljšanju institucionalnog okvira za slobodno tržište. U konačnici, ekonomske slobode usko su vezane uz geopolitiku. ; The level of economic freedom is measured each year through a unique world methodology. This way, Canadian Fraser Institute has developed a systematic approach to public policies which affect the scope of public expenditure and state assets, level of major taxes, inflation, free trade, business regulation, labor and credit market and other measured areas. Such policy framework can be useful for designing structural adjustments by which enterprises could be freed from excessive involvement and cost of government. Moreover, by reducing and limiting the role of government economic freedom contributes the institutional framework for free market. Finally, economic freedom is closely related to geopolitics.

Povezanost i efekti između fiskalne politike i gospodarskog rasta važna su teoretska i empirijska tema istraživanja. Neoklasični modeli smatraju da će ekonomski učinci u državnoj potrošnji biti neutralizirani efektima posljedičnih promjena u privatnoj potrošnji. S druge strane, endogeni modeli rasta smatraju da promjene u razini i sastavu oporezivanja i državne potrošnje utječu na gospodarski rast. Cilj rada je istražiti povezanost i efekte fiskalne politike i gospodarskog rasta u 21 zemlji srednje i istočne Europe u razdoblju od 2000. – 2018. godine. Empirijski rezultati, nakon kontrole zajedničkih i specifičnih varijabli za pojedinu zemlju, ukazuju na to da povećanje oporezivanja, ali ne i neproduktivnih izdataka, može pozitivno utjecati na gospodarski rast. Glavni rezultati empirijske analize su: (i) da postoji značajna i pozitivna povezanost između opće razine oporezivanja i gospodarskog rasta; i (ii) da ne postoji povezanost između državne finalne potrošnje i gospodarskog rasta. Rezultati empirijske analize doprinjeli su znanstvenoj literaturi potvrđujući povezanost između državnih poreznih prihoda i ekonomskog rasta u zemljama srednje i istočne Europe. ; The relationship and effects between fiscal policy and economic growth have been an important theoretical and empirical research topic. The neoclassical models imply that the economic effects of changes in government spending will be neutralised by the impact of consequent changes in private spending. Endogenous growth models, on the other hand, imply that changes in the level and composition of taxation and government expenditure can affect economic growth. This aim of the paper is to explore the relationship and effects of fiscal policy and economic growth in 21 Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries over the period 2000-2018. The results, after controlling for various common and country-specific variables, imply that an increase in taxation, but not in non-productive expenditures, can positively affect economic growth. Our main findings are: (i) there is a significant and positive contemporaneous relationship between the general level of taxation and economic growth; and (ii) there is no relationship between the government final consumption and economic growth. Therefore, our results contributed to the scientific literature by providing empirical evidence on the contemporaneous relationship between the general government tax receipt and economic growth in CEE countries.

Model novog javnog menadžmenta sadrži javne politike za tržišno usmjerene institucionalne reforme. Zemlje koje su primijenile ovaj model općenito su među prvih dvadeset na globalnim ljestvicama vezanima uz ljudski razvoj, ljudsku slobodu, ekonomsku slobodu, lakoću poslovanja, deregulaciju tržišta, konkurentnost, antikorupcijsku transparentnost i liberalnu demokraciju. Dok su nordijske zemlje uvele vanjsko ugovaranje usluga (outsourcing) i tržišno natjecanje unutar svojih sustava države blagostanja, a Njemačka se snažno usmjerila na privatizacije, anglosaksonske zemlje, a posebice Sjedinjene Države, ugovaraju čak i dijelove nacionalne sigurnosti s privatnim vojnim i obavještajnim pružateljima. Međutim, model novog javnog menadžmenta ne zanemaruje ulogu države, već potiče njezino smanjivanje i otvaranje za tržišno natjecanje, privatizaciju, deregulaciju i transparentnost. Dok je Novi javni menadžment uključiv prema zajednicama i tržištima, primjena ovog modela može poboljšati institucije i upravljanje stvaranjem pretežito horizontalnih struktura, koje osiguravaju veze među različitim dijelovima organizacije i koherentan okvir javnih politika. U konačnici, reforme javnog upravljanja ovise o kritičkom razmišljanju, temeljem multidisciplinarne ekspertize, koja doprinosi inovativnim i inkluzivnim institucijama usmjerenim na rješavanje problema, s dovoljnom razinom građanskih vrlina i društvenog povjerenja. ; The New Public Management model contains public policies for market-driven institutional reforms. Countries that applied this model are generally among the TOP 20 in global rankings concerning human development, human freedom, economic freedom, ease of doing business, market deregulation, competitiveness, anti-corruption transparency and liberal democracy. While the Nordic countries introduced outsourcing and competition within their welfare systems, and Germany strongly focused on privatizations, the Anglo-Saxon countries, and especially the United States, outsource even parts of their national security to private military and intelligence contractors. However, the New Public Management model does not undermine the role of government, but encourages its downsizing and opening for competition, privatization, deregulation and transparency. While the New Public Management is inclusive toward communities and markets, the application of the model can improve institutions and governance by creating predominantly horizontal structures, which ensure connections between different parts of organization and coherent public policy framework. Finally, public management reforms depend on critical thinking, based on the multidisciplinary expertise, which contributes to innovative and inclusive problem-solving institutions, with sufficient level of civic virtues and social trust.

Civilno društvo u mnogim zemljama demokratskog svijeta, pa tako i u Republici Hrvatskoj, zauzima vrlo važno mjesto u političkom i društvenom životu. Naime, Europska je unija kao predstavnik zapadnih, demokratskih zemalja, prepoznala civilni sektor kao jedan od stupova društva pa se u mnogim politikama zemalja javlja pitanje u kojoj mjeri te na koji način je ispravno uključiti civilni sektor u kreiranje javnih politika. Prema ideji, civilno bi društvo trebalo sudjelovati u političkom životu pojedine zemlje od samoga početka s glavnim zadatkom detekcije postojanja pojedinih društvenih problema. Takvim inicijativama, ali i sudjelovanjem u samom kreiranju politika te njihovoj promidžbi, civilni sektor postaje partnerom vlasti. Predmet ovog rada jesu civilne udruge kao najčešće organizacije civilnog društva te politički život, tj. kreiranje javnih politika, odnosno, sudjelovanje civilnog sektora u politici. Svrha ovog rada jest dati pregled mogućnosti utjecaja civilnih udruga na kreiranje javnih politika. Konačno, cilj ovog rada jest razumjeti problematiku te eventualne prepreke u sudjelovanju civilnih udruga u političkome životu. ; Civil society in many countries of the democratic world, including the Republic of Croatia, occupies a very important place in political and social life. Namely, the European Union, as a representative of Western, democratic countries, has recognized the civil sector as one of the pillars of society, so in many countries' policies the question arises to what extent and in what way it is right to involve the civil sector in policy making. According to the idea, civil society should participate in the political life of a particular country from the very beginning with the main task of detecting the existence of certain social problems. With such initiatives, but also by participating in the very creation of policies and their promotion, the civil sector becomes a partner of the government. The subject of this paper are civil society organizations as the most common civil society ...

Civilno društvo u mnogim zemljama demokratskog svijeta, pa tako i u Republici Hrvatskoj, zauzima vrlo važno mjesto u političkom i društvenom životu. Naime, Europska je unija kao predstavnik zapadnih, demokratskih zemalja, prepoznala civilni sektor kao jedan od stupova društva pa se u mnogim politikama zemalja javlja pitanje u kojoj mjeri te na koji način je ispravno uključiti civilni sektor u kreiranje javnih politika. Prema ideji, civilno bi društvo trebalo sudjelovati u političkom životu pojedine zemlje od samoga početka s glavnim zadatkom detekcije postojanja pojedinih društvenih problema. Takvim inicijativama, ali i sudjelovanjem u samom kreiranju politika te njihovoj promidžbi, civilni sektor postaje partnerom vlasti. Predmet ovog rada jesu civilne udruge kao najčešće organizacije civilnog društva te politički život, tj. kreiranje javnih politika, odnosno, sudjelovanje civilnog sektora u politici. Svrha ovog rada jest dati pregled mogućnosti utjecaja civilnih udruga na kreiranje javnih politika. Konačno, cilj ovog rada jest razumjeti problematiku te eventualne prepreke u sudjelovanju civilnih udruga u političkome životu. ; Civil society in many countries of the democratic world, including the Republic of Croatia, occupies a very important place in political and social life. Namely, the European Union, as a representative of Western, democratic countries, has recognized the civil sector as one of the pillars of society, so in many countries' policies the question arises to what extent and in what way it is right to involve the civil sector in policy making. According to the idea, civil society should participate in the political life of a particular country from the very beginning with the main task of detecting the existence of certain social problems. With such initiatives, but also by participating in the very creation of policies and their promotion, the civil sector becomes a partner of the government. The subject of this paper are civil society organizations as the most common civil society organizations and political life, ie the creation of public policies, ie the participation of the civil sector in politics. The purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of the possibilities of the influence of civil society organizations on policy making. Finally, the aim of this paper is to understand the issues of this possible obstacle to the participation of civil society organizations in political life.

RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVANa svojoj sjednici 17. srpnja 2003. godine Vlada Republike Hrvatske donijela je Nacionalnu šumarsku politiku i strategiju. S obzirom na sve očitije klimatske promjene koje traže novi odnos prema prirodi i okolišu, na manjkavosti važeće Nacinalne šumarske politike i strategije šumarstva, ali i po našoj ocjeni na neadekvatno uključivanje šumarstva u narodno gospodarstvo, je li i vrijeme za promjene u važećoj Nacionalnoj šumarskoj politici i strategiji? Imamo li uzore? Gledajući šumarske politike u relevantnim zemljama u kojima je šumarstvo značajna grana gospodarstva, razvidno je da se one ne mogu doslovno kopirati. U brošuri Šumarska politika Sabadi (1992) nakon analize Šumarske politike u Njemačkoj i Švicarskoj, navodi kako je očito "da svaka zemlja ima svoj oblik šumarske politike koji joj odgovara s obzirom na gospodarski i politički poredak, filozofiju te utjecaj pojedinaca i grupa na državnu vlast". No, nesporno je da je svaka šumarska politika integralni dio narodnog gospodarstva. Najvažnija faza u stvaranju nacionalne šumarske politike je njezino uključivanje i integracija s ostalim narodnim gospodarstvom u jednu inerakcijsku cjelinu. Isti autor kaže kako kod utvrđivanja Šumarske politike "treba prvo utvrditi ciljeve, a potom sredstva i mjere za postizanje postavljenih ciljeva. Posebnu pozornost treba posvetiti malom seljačkom šumoposjedu (oko 25 % šumske površine)" što je kod nas posebice teško, jer su šumoposjedi mali, a šumovlasnici se teško odlučuju na udruživanja putem kojih se jedino može polučiti uspjeh. Otežavajuća je okolnost da je svako ulaganje u šumu dugoročno i za ulagače premalo profitabilno, ponajprije jer šumarstvo ne sagledavaju kao integralni i vrlo utjecajni čimbenik narodnog gospodarstva. Uglavnom šuma se gleda samo kao izvor sirovine za preradu, dok se zaboravlja općekorisna uloga šuma koja traži širu podršku narodnog gospodarstva. No, ako njenu pravu vrijednost ne mogu sagledati privatni šumovlasnici i općenito poduzetnici, kojima je na prvome mjestu trenutna sirovinska vrijednost, to mora Država, posebice kada je ona, kao u našem slučaju većinski vlasnik. Opći interes treba biti ispred svih drugih interesa, a Država mora kontrolirati i privatne šumovlasnike da se ponašaju sukladno Zakonu o šumama, instrumentu Nacionalne šumarske politike i strategije, koji mora biti obvezan za sve šumovlasnike.Analizirajući da li primjenjujemo ono što je propisano u važećoj Nacionalnoj šumarskoj politici i strategiji i što bi još trebalo propisati, možemo postavljati pitanja i sami na njih odgovarati, jer bi tuđe odgovore smatrali kritikom, najčešće neopravdanom. Ponajprije: da li drvne sortimente prodajemo po tržišnim načelima; da li stvarno vjerujemo da ugovorima o isporuci sirovine pomažemo razvoju finalne prerade drva i povećanju zaposlenosti, posebice inženjera i VKV radnika, ili pak punimo privatne džepove izvoznika proizvoda primarne prerade; ako isporuku drvne sirovine ne usmjeravamo na optimalnu finalnu proizvodnju, nije li to rasipanje nacionalnog bogatstva u kojega je uložen prosječno stogodišnji trud; u isto vrijeme projekt Roswood Centra kompetencija za istočnu Europu, čitamo, daje primjere dobre prakse i inovacija koje se mogu implementirati za pametno i održivo korištenje vrijedne šumske sirovine; da li stvarno ili samo deklarativno kontroliramo sječu na privatnom šumoposjedu, posebice u šumama koje su vraćene bivšim šumovlasnicima; kojim instrumentima i koliko uspješno to radimo; osiguravamo li koristi koje bi od šumarstva trebala imati lokalna zajednica i stanovništvo ruralnih područja, što je jedno od glavnih načela Šumarske politike i strategije EU, koju načelno podržavamo; potičemo li i koliko uspješno suvremenu energetsku uporabu drvne sirovine; da li razmišljamo kako riješiti pitanje sukcesije – ruralna područja ostaju bez stanovništva, i šuma se širi čak do vrtova – nestaju pašnjaci pa i livadske površine unutar šume koje su donedavno košene za pašu i prehranu divljači; da li je istina da nam drvoprerađivači ne želeći osigurati zalihu drvne sirovine, a kada njima to pogoduje "diktiraju" izvlačenje drvnih sortimenata i kada to vremenske prilike ograničavaju (mokar teren) pa nastaju velike štete na šumskom tlu; zašto smo za sitan novac prepustili koncesionarima radnička odmarališta, posebice na moru, koja su izgrađena doprinosom radnika, kojega nisu pretočili u plaće, nego upravo u te objekte; da li smo u odnosu na druge zemlje prevelike površine uključili u Natura 2000; da li smo obavili restrukturiranje Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o. ? Sabadi kaže: "Racionalan put glede organizacije je da se svi poslovi obavljaju u šumariji, a na višoj razini samo oni poslovi koje nije moguće riješiti na šumariji ili njihovo rješenje nije racionalno. U Ministarstvu organizirati službe vrhovnog šumarskog nadzora i one za pomoć malim šumoposjednicima". Da li smo postavili sva pitanja – ne, ali čitatelje potičemo da ih i oni postave i daju odgovor na njih. Ponajprije treba odgovoriti na postavljeno pitanje u naslovu.Nadajući se da nam ova razmišljanja neće pokvariti nadolazeće blagdane, svim članovima Hrvatskoga šumarskoga društva i čitateljima Šumarskoga lista, želimo sretan Božić i uspješnu 2020. godinu.Uredništvo ; EDITORIALAt its session on July 17, 2003, the Government of the Republic of Croatia passed the National Forestry Policy and Strategy. In view of the increasingly pronounced climate change, which requires a new approach to nature and the environment, of the deficiencies of the current National Forestry Policy and Forestry Strategy, as well as, in our opinion, of the inadequate inclusion of forestry in the national economy, has the time come to introduce some changes in the valid National Forestry Policy and Strategy? Do we have any models? A review of forestry policies in relevant countries in which forestry is an important branch of economy clearly shows that they cannot be literally copied. In his brochure "Forestry Policy" Sabadi (1992) analyzed forestry policies in Germany and Switzerland and concluded that "every country has its own form of forestry policy which is in line with its economic and political system, philosophy and the influence of individuals and groups on the state government". It is, however, indisputable that every forestry policy is an integral part of the national economy. The most important stage in the creation of a national forestry policy is its inclusion into and integration with other national economies into one interactive unit. The same author goes on to say that in order to develop forestry policy, "its goals should first be determined, followed by means and measures of achieving the set goals. Particular attention should be paid to small private forest estates (about 25 % of the forested area)". This is very difficult in our country because privately owned forests are small and private forest owners are not willing to merge their estates, which is the only way in which success can be achieved. An aggravating circumstance lies in the fact that investments in forests are of long-term nature and are not sufficiently profitable for investors, chiefly because they do not perceive forestry as an integral and highly influential factor in the national economy. Forests are mainly viewed as a source of raw material for processing, while the non-market forest role, which requires a broader support by the national economy, is overlooked. If the real value of forests is not understood by private forest owners and entrepreneurs in general, whose primary goal is the current value of raw material, then it is the State which should understand it, especially when the State is the major owner as in Croatia. Collective interest should be above all other interests. The State should also make sure that private forest owners adhere to the regulations of the Forest Act, the instrument of the National Forestry Policy and Strategy which is binding for all forest owners.In our analysis of whether we apply the regulations set down in the valid National Forestry Policy and Strategy and what additional items should be incorporated, we should ask questions and answer them ourselves, since we would consider answers by other parties as mostly unjustified criticism. These questions involve the following: do we sell wood assortments according to market principles; do we really believe that with contracts on the delivery of raw material we contribute to the development of final wood processing and increased employment of engineers and qualified workers in the first place, or do we fill the pockets of private exporters of primary processing products; if raw wood material is not directed towards optimal final production, does not this mean that we squander the national wealth in which a hundred-year-long effort has been invested; at the same time we find that the Rosewood Competence Centre for Eastern Europe provides examples of good practice and innovations to be implemented into wise and sustainable use of valuable wood material; do we control felling in private forest estates in practice or only declaratively, particularly in forests which have been returned to their original owners; which instruments do we use and how successfully to accomplish this; do we ensure benefits which forestry should provide for the local community and the population of rural areas, which is one of the main principles of the EU Forestry Policy and Strategy, which we support in principle; do we stimulate and to what extent modern energy use of wood material; do we think about how to solve the question of succession - rural areas are increasingly being abandoned and forests are spreading as far as the people's gardens - pastures and grassland areas within forest, which were until recently mowed or grazed by wildlife, are disappearing; is it true that wood processors do not want to ensure stocks of wood material, and when it suits them "dictate" the extraction of wood assortments even when weather conditions are unfavourable (wet terrain), thus inflicting vast damage on forest soil; why did we allow workers' resort centres, especially those at the seaside, to be taken over by concessionaires for petty cash (these resorts were built with the money which workers allocated from their salaries for exactly this purpose); in relation to other countries, did we allocate too large areas to Natura 2000; did we restructure the company "Croatian Forests Ltd"? Sabadi says: " Rational organisation presupposes that all jobs are accomplished in a forest office, and only those jobs which cannot be performed in a forest office or their solution is not rational should be performed at a higher level. Forest monitoring services and services aimed at assisting small forest owners should be set up in the Ministry". Have we covered all the relevant questions? No, we have not, but we urge the readers to ask questions and give the answers themselves. The first question to be answered is the one mentioned in the headline.Hoping that these thoughts will not spoil the upcoming holidays, we wish Merry Christmas and a Very Successful New Year 2020 to all members of the Croatian Forestry Association and readers of the Forestry Journal.Editorial Board

Prezentirani su i analizirani rezultati empirijskog istraživanja o razvoju kombinirane socijalne politike u Hrvatskoj. Kombinirana socijalna politika nov je sustav socijalne politike u kojem vlada, lokalne vlasti, organizacije civilnog društva, trgovačka društva (profitni sektor), obitelj (neformalni sektor) te drugi dionici djeluju na mjestu prijašnjeg monopolističkog položaja države. U takvom sustavu vlast i javna uprava prepoznaju organizacije civilnog društva i druge dionike kao partnere te s njima surađuju u procesu pripreme i donošenja odluka te provedbe socijalnih programa. Trendovi razvoja kombiniranih socijalnih politika ovise o nasljeđu i tipovima socijalnih režima. Razvoj kombinirane socijalne politike aktualan je i u tranzicijskim zemljama i uvelike je obilježen nasljeđem i utjecajem procesa pridruživanja Europskoj uniji. Prijašnja empirijska istraživanja kombinirane socijalne politike u Hrvatskoj upozorila su na probleme razumijevanja tog koncepta i na skromne domete njegova razvoja. U ovom istraživanju posebno je analizirana uloga civilnog društva i javne uprave kao ključnih dionika razvoja kombinirane socijalne politike. Rezultati istraživanja govore da se u Hrvatskoj utire put razvoju kombinirane socijalne politike te da postoje primjeri koji se mogu koristiti kao dobra praksa. ; The paper is a result of an empirical, action-oriented research about the development of combined social policy in Croatia. Combined social policy is a new system of social policy in which the government, local authorities, civil society organisations, the profit sector, family (the informal sector), and other participants take action instead of the previously monopolistic state. In such a system, government and public administration recognise civil society organisations and other participants as partners and cooperate with them in drafting and ecisionmaking processes and in implementation of social programmes. Recent trends in the development of combined social policy in developed countries reflect the necessity of mobilising all available resources in order to meet the ever increasing and different social needs. The trends of development of combined social policies depend on the heritage and the types of social regimes. The development of combined social policy is also topical in the countries in transition, and is greatly influenced by inherited issues and the EU accession process. Previous empirical research of combined social policy in Croatia warned about the problems of understanding the concept and of modest degrees of its development. The research particularly analyses the role of civil society and public administration as key partakers in the development of combined social policy. Research results have shown that development paths for combined social policy in Croatia are being made and that there are examples of good practice. The analysed partakers are bound by mutual cooperation, they are informed about the concept of combined social policy and possess relevant knowledge and ideas about its development. Civil society organisations are more active than public administration in promoting the idea and amending the programmes of combined social policy. National policy and institutional frameworks are important limitations to the modernisation of social policy. Final remarks contain a warning about the necessity of further research that should include a wider circle of participants.