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Provides three arguments for why the European Union should be an important factor in the Norwegian foreign policy discussion and analyzes the previous debate on the matter. Despite the fact that Norway is not part of the EU, the country still conducts more trade with the Union than most countries within the Union do. Harmonization of the rules would also be important for Norway, especially when the European Union has larger budget consequences for the Norwegian government year after year. Surprisingly, during the two decades of policy debate from 1988 to 2008, the EU has had a smaller role than the US in the Norwegian media. In addition, the Norwegian EU debate is dominated by strong yes/no interest groups and often takes the form of debate theater with predictable answers with very little practical importance. L. Pitkaniemi

Comments on "refleksprosjektet"; a Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs initiative to define Norwegian foreign policy in a new era faced with global changes in the areas of environment, energy, global warming, health, poverty, world security, technology and communication, international migration, religion, the global economy and changes in Norwegian changes in the areas of oil, the petroleum fund, open society, and global economic dependencies. Comments include the relationship between government initiative reports and practical politics, challenges of future planning, and value of plans to increase experience based learning. Concludes that the value of the initiative is increased focus, interest, debate, and understanding of Norwegian foreign policy issues. References. E. Sundby

Explains that the late-2000 recession was mainly due to the fact that politicians, businessmen and economists had forgotten the lessons of the great depression resulting in a moral hazard of overleveraging as big corporations knew that the government would bail them out. The seeds for this economic crisis were already sawn by the stock market bubble in the 1990's that eventually spread into more important sectors due to bad government policies based on neoliberalism. It is important that policy makers see the economic crisis as a possibility and aim at full employment while redesigning the credit system in order to avoid future crises. L. Pitkaniemi

During the Cold War the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs was almost uncontested in its foreign policy role, a position that has become challenged since the 1990's due to the internationalization, globalization and europeanization of the world. In its European policy the ministry is challenged by business, non-profit organizations, political parties and regional/local governments. Due to Norway's role in peace operations, the foreign policy leeway of NGOs and the Norwegian Ministry of Development Cooperation has grown, and in addition the Norwegian Ministry of Defence has taken a stronger foreign policy position. All of these events have reduced the political power of the Norwegian foreign ministers, who have largely responded by emphasizing their role in the bigger picture of promoting security and peace throughout the world. Adapted from the source document.

Norwegian peace initiatives in Eritrea The Norwegian Model is defined as flexible cooperation between government authorities, NGOs and academia applying personal networks and informal settings. The model was coined as a concept in relation to the back-channel that led to the Oslo Accord in 1993. However, similar practices within Norwegian foreign policy were manifest in previous instances as well. Through a discussion of empirical data, this article argues that Norwegian mediation in regard to the Eritrean liberation struggle was a precursor to the Norwegian Model. Adapted from the source document.

The services for people with addiction and mental health problems and have received increasing attention, both in the public debate, among users and professionals and not least from political authorities. There is political agreement on the importance of prioritizing the field, when at the same time there is disagreement on whether the services will actually be better by present-day reforms.

In National Policies and Local Challenges, the authors explore the organization of services for people with addiction and mental health illness, from initiatives to improve the services at the level of national government to implementing changes in local service provision by municipalities. We discuss one of the most challenging questions in the modern welfare state: How should services be organized so that both users and service providers experience them as coordinated and integrated? The authors address these issues by referring to key features of national policy and change processes that can be observed in a selection of municipalities. The book also refers to analyses of experiences with various measures and services related to work, housing and prison care and correctional services.

The anthology is based on a research project that studies the coordination and integration of services for people with complex addiction and mental disorders. The book is based on political science and organizational theoretical perspectives, and aims to provide insight into the usefulness of such perspectives in the analysis of welfare state's challenges when complex needs are addressed. The target group for the book is researchers, students and employees in local government – as well as practitioners who work with users with complex and complex needs.

The book is edited by Catharina Bjørkquist, professor at Østfold University College, and Helge Ramsdal, professor emeritus at Østfold University College. - Tjenestene til personer med psykiske lidelser og ruslidelser har fått stadig større oppmerksomhet, både i den offentlige debatten, blant brukere og fagfolk og ikke minst fra politiske myndigheter. Det er stor politisk enighet om betydningen av å prioritere feltet, samtidig som det er uenighet om hvorvidt tjenestene faktisk blir bedre.

I Statlig politikk og lokale utfordringer ser forfatterne på organisering av tjenestene til mennesker med samtidige ruslidelser og psykiske lidelser, fra de politiske føringene sentralt til kommunale tjenester lokalt. Spørsmålet som stilles er et av de mest utfordrende i den moderne velferdsstaten: Hvordan skal en organisere tiltak og tjenester slik at både brukere og tjenesteytere opplever dem som samordnet og integrerte? Forfatterne diskuterer dette gjennom å vise til sentrale trekk ved den nasjonale politikken, de endringsprosessene en kan observere i et utvalg kommuner og erfaringer med ulike tiltak og tjenester knyttet til arbeid,
bolig og kriminalomsorg.

Antologien har sitt utgangspunkt i et forskningsprosjekt som studerer samordning og integrering av tjenester til mennesker med sammensatte rus- og psykiske lidelser. Boka bygger på statsvitenskapelige og organisasjonsteoretiske perspektiver, og har som mål å gi innsikt i nytten av slike perspektiver i analysen av velferdsstatens utfordringer. Målgruppa for boka er forskere, studenter og ansatte i lokal forvaltning – samt tjenesteutøvere som jobber med brukere med sammensatte og komplekse behov.

The author concentrates on the development of Norway's relations with Central America. From virtually non-existing connections, the 1980s have seen the establishment of a Norwegian embassy in Costa Rica, and a substantial growth in aid to Sandinist Nicaragua. The political debate in Norway over Nicaragua is outlined, as is the anger provoked in the US government by the Central American policy of its NATO ally

The Iraq War in 2003 represented a conflict of interest for the Norwegian government, as the situation called for them to choose between the relationship with the United States & international law. Being a small nation, it was in Norway's interest to protect both these interests. In the end, the government decided not to support the American-led invasion, with reference to international law. This decision has by some been interpreted as a shift away from Norway's traditional Atlanticist policy. This article illustrates how the second Bondevik Government succeeded in balancing different national interests in the decision-making process. On the one hand, it supported the UN & met the demands of the Norwegian public opinion. On the other hand, it managed to uphold its relationship with the United States. This balancing act illustrates that small states have limited room for manoeuvre in international politics, & will most likely continue to have so in the future. References. Adapted from the source document.

The sixth intergovernmental conference of the European Union (EU) was opened this fall under the Italian presidency. This analysis treats the question of whether the main lines of Italian foreign policy have changed with the center-right government of Silvio Berlusconi & to what degree possible changes may influence the outcome of the conference. Since September 11 (2001), Italy has been confronted with a series of challenges. First, Italy was caught in the middle of the disagreement between US & France/Germany on the Iraq question. Taking sides was very difficult for a country that has traditionally had atlanticism & European engagement as its main pillars in security & foreign policy. Berlusconi expressed that he would place high priority on the Atlantic alliance. Secondly, Italy had to face the new developments within the European integration process. Convinced that the differentiation between a development towards an intergovernmental system & a communitary one was no longer relevant, the Italian delegation at the Convention supported all the proposals that would guarantee a power balance between the three main institutions of the EU (Council, Commission, & Parliament). 28 References. Adapted from the source document.

Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, & Hungary have in little more than ten years established market-based economies. The countries chose, in spite of geographical proximity & historical links, different reform strategies, especially with respect to inflation stabilization & privatization. The different strategies can to a large extent be explained by different starting points. In preparation for EU membership, the economic policies in the four countries have gradually converged. The economic results have been mixed. Many have gained from greater choice & higher living standards. Still, economic growth is only slightly above the performance of the EU countries, unemployment is high, & government budgets exhibit large deficits. Membership of the EU could bring about more trade & investment & help narrow the income gap towards Western Europe. Adapted from the source document.