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The aim of the overview article is to encircle a research field focusing the role of local government in the Swedish national climate protection policy. First, the policy area of climate protection is historically identified as a part of a third generation policy areas. Secondly, relating to contemporary governance literature some steering measurements are presented. There is thus an increasing steering complexity containing hierarchical, market-based & network based steering. Thirdly, the role of local government is discussed in terms of reasons for engaging or not engaging in climate protection work. Political, institutional, financial & professional aspects are considered important in order to explain variations in municipal climate protection activities. Finally some research questions are put forth, such as how & why municipal leaders are handling uncertainty in certain ways, municipal leaders as network managers & local climate protection policy-making & implementation from perspectives of learning & democracy. References. Adapted from the source document.

This article investigates the influence of Swedish drug users on Swedish drug policy during the period 1965-2004. The main focus is on public policy, ie, the policy-making of parliament, government, & key government departments & agencies. Both the users' processual influence, that is the degree & the way in which users participate in the decision-making process, as well as the users' substantial influence, or the degree to which the drug policy produces results that are in the interest of the users, are studied. The processual influence was studied by reviewing user influence within the framework for public drug policy inquiries conducted during this period. The substantial influence was studied by evaluating the development of the Swedish drug policy, using a catalogue of key user issues (based on an international comparison of various user organizations) as a yard stick. The results indicate that user influence over public drug policy generally speaking has been extremely limited. Furthermore, as far as can be judged, this influence seems to have diminished over time, a development which has been similar for processual & substantial influence skills. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

Comparative research emphasize Social Democratic parties as leading political forces when universal welfare states are reformed in accordance with market-oriented principles. Considering the traditional portrayal of universal welfare states as an institutional feature of Nordic political economics, which tends to favor the Social Democrats in the political power struggle, this is a highly surprising conclusion. In contrast to the conventional wisdom, that Social Democratic market reforms are caused by economic constraints, this article postulate reforms to be conducted for political & strategic purposes. The theoretical argument goes like this: Social Democrat governments decide upon reforms when the parry-elite perceive policy problems as potential threats to the legitimacy of the universal welfare state. Hence, market-oriented reforms are expected to re-invigorate the legitimacy of the universal welfare institutions. For political institutions to be efficient power resources they are requited to be deemed legitimate by a democratic constituency. Otherwise they can work counterproductive in the ongoing power-struggle. The theory is tested empirically in a structured comparison of Swedish & Danish school policy in the 1990s, & is confirmed with some slight modifications. References. Adapted from the source document.

This article reports a study on the role of the media in democratic governance. Interestingly, this issue has not been given much attention by researchers, neither by media scholars with little interest in governance, nor by governance scholars with little knowledge about how the media works. Yet, as this study substantiates, the media is a key actor in governance. Theoretically, the paper aims at providing a cross-fertilization of perspectives on the role of the media in governance by drawing on governance research as well as on research on political communication & the public sphere. The empirical aim of the paper is to analyze how policy makers assess the importance of the media in governance. A key question addressed is the significance of fostering good media relations in order to be successful in governance in different policy areas. In addition, the paper analyzes the media strategies of policy makers' in terms of the intensity of the media contacts & of whether or not the policy makers themselves initiate the contacts. The study draws on a unique dataset, comprising questionnaire responses from the corporate, political, cultural & administrative elites (policymakers within the central government office) in Sweden. Adapted from the source document.

The purpose of this article is to examine regional and local interest organizations and their participation in and influence on the field of constitutional policy. This is done by studying the Swedish Association for local Authorities and Regions (SALAR) and its relationship with the Committee on Constitutional Reform (2004-2008). A common assumption in the literature is that the policy process on constitutional matters is dominated by parties in government and parliament, and that interest groups do not participate. The empirical investigation presented here, consisting of a large number of interviews and analysis of official documents, shows that SALAR not only participated in the work of the Committee on Constitutional Reform, but also exercised some influence on the committee's final report. Therefore, the article argues that the view of constitutional policy as a purely party matter no longer is valid. Instead, the participation and influence of regional and local interests must also be recognized. Adapted from the source document.

The committee on Constitutional Reform was appointed by the government to conduct a review of the Swedish Constitution. Ibis article focuses on the Constitution's chapter on Parliamentary Control, i.e. instruments for monitoring government activities. The Committee's discussion of this topic was limited and produced no real suggestions for reform. However, the parliament initiated a parallel reform aimed at the reorganization of the Swedish National Audit Office. The issue was investigated and decided Upon, and the consequences of the reform were subsequently evaluated. The article points out that this way of organizing constitutional change is atypical of Swedish constitutional policy. Moreover, the changes have had greater constitutional implications for Parliamentary Control than has the work of the Committee on Constitutional Reform. Adapted from the source document.

On 1 January 1995 Sweden became member of the European Union. This basic fact is not mentioned in Sweden's fundamental law. Nor does the Swedish constitution have anything to say about the important changes to the practice of public policymaking that have taken place since Sweden joined the EU. At the same time, it is indeed apparent that the basic rules of the political game in Sweden have been transformed dramatically after EU accession. This constitutional change, however has taken place without any substantial changes being made to the wording of the most important of Sweden's four fundamental laws, i.e., the Instrument of Government (regeringsformen). Constitutional change can be brought about in two different ways: Constitutional amendment, or explicit constitutional change, refers to a change of the rules of the game which implies a modified wording of the constitutional text. Constitutional alteration, or implicit constitutional change, means the constitutional document itself remains unaltered while its meaning is changed through judicial interpretation or legislative action. How frequently used are these different methods when it comes to the constitutional changes brought about by EU membership? How can we explain the differences between member states? How can these competing methods for constitutional change be normatively justified? Is one of them to be preferred? The research project "Hur regleras EU-medlemskapet?" seeks to answer these questions in a comparative study on how EU membership regulated in different member states. Adapted from the source document.