Suchergebnisse

Magistrska naloga obravnava in analizira odnose med županom kot najvišjim političnim funkcionarjem in direktorjem občinske uprave kot najvišjim javnim uslužbencem. V prvem delu sta predstavljeni zgodovina lokalne samouprave v Sloveniji in Ustava Republike Slovenije, ki je najvišji splošni pravni akt in lokalni samoupravi posveča svoje poglavje. Načela, ki vodijo lokalno samoupravo in so pomembna za uspešno delovanje in razvoj lokalne samouprave, so načelo avtonomije, načelo subsidiarnosti in načelo regionalizacije. Slovenske občine se vedno bolj vključujejo v skupne občinske uprave za opravljanje posameznih nalog, saj so občinske uprave v manjših občinah kadrovsko nedohranjene. Prav tako se občine vključujejo v združenja občin, saj lahko na ta način bolje zagotavljajo svoj skupni interes na področju lokalne samouprave. Občine med seboj sodelujejo tudi na podlagi sporazumov o pobratenju, ki ima pozitivne učinke na lokalno samoupravo in lokalno okolje, saj gre za stik z mednarodnimi partnerji, izmenjavo izkušenj in pridobitev različnih novih znanj. V nadaljevanju naloge so predstavljene ravni lokalne samouprave v sosednjih državah Republiki Hrvaški in Republiki Avstriji. V drugem, raziskovalnem delu naloge je prikazana primerjava lokalnih skupnosti v dveh izbranih evropskih državah. Na podlagi intervjujev je bila izvedena primerjava odnosov med oblastjo v lokalni samoupravi in politiko. V intervjujih so sodelovali župani in direktorji občinskih uprav manjših slovenskih, hrvaških in avstrijskih občin. V nalogi so predstavljena tudi mnenja županov in direktorjev občinskih uprav o njihovih odnosih v občinah. ; This research work discusses and analyses the relationship between the mayor, as the highest political official and the director of municipal administration as senior civil servant. The first section presents the history of local government in Slovenia and the Constitution of the Republic of Slovenia, which is the highest general legal act and the local government has its own chapter in the Constitution. Principles that lead local government and are important for a successful operation and development of local self-government is the principle of autonomy, the principle of subsidiarity and the principle of regionalization. Slovenian municipalities are increasingly involved in Joint Municipal Administration to perform specific tasks, as the municipal administration in small municipalities are understaffed. In addition, the municipalities integrate themselves in the Association of Municipalities to ensure their common interests better in the field of local self-government. Municipalities cooperate with each other based on agreements of town, which has a positive impact on local government and the local environment, because of the contact with international partners, exchange of experience and the acquisition of various new skills. In the following part of the work levels of local government in the neighbouring countries, the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Austria are presented. The second part of the research work, a comparison of local communities in the two selected European countries, is presented. A comparison was made about relations between the authorities and the local government policy based on interviews. In the interviews, the mayors and directors of municipal administrations of small Slovenian, Croatian and Austrian municipalities participated. The thesis also shows the opinions of mayors and the directors of municipal administrations of their relations in the municipalities.

On surface, Nigeria and Mali share fairly similar territorial configurations and historical trajectories. Recurring rebellions supported by mainly nomadic groups raise the question of relations between the centre and peripheries in these states. The purpose of this study is to analyse how these states try "peacemaking", in the absence of "peacebuilding", resulting in short-term hybrid arrangements that are cobbled together. The study integrates ways to make peace and wage war within a common analytical context.

View that subnational paradiplomacy can function without conflict with the central government; discusses implications of developing a Catalan foreign policy, the 1978 Spanish constitutional definition of international relations, international activities of autonomous communities, and normalization of Barcelona-Madrid relations; 1980s-1990s.

Defence date: 2 May 1988 ; Examining Board: Prof. Yves Mény, directeur de thèse (Paris) ; Prof. Antonio Cassese (Florence) ; Prof. François Perin (Liège) ; Prof. Dan Soberman (Kingston) ; Prof. Joseph H.H. Weiler (Ann Arbor/Florence) ; Ecrire sur un sujet amplement exploré, comme l'est assurément le problème des relations internationales de l'Etat fédéral, représente à bien des égards un défi. Le danger le plus évident - et pourtant peut-être le plus difficile à éviter - est celui de la banalité : si l'on n'entend pas se limiter à reprendre ce qui a été écrit dans les analyses précédentes, on est bien forcé de choisir une approche nouvelle, qui soit susceptible de projeter sur des problèmes déjà connus un éclairage nouveau. A l'inverse, une approche par trop éloignée des précédentes risque de n'apporter qu'une contribution limitée à l'évolution de la réflexion générale, précisément parce que les préoccupations communes seront trop limitées. On risque ainsi de se retrouver en présence d'analyses parallèles du même objet, qui connaîtront chacune un développement autonome sans qu'un effort de synthèse soit réalisé. L'ambition de l'analyse qui suit est précisément de jeter les bases d'une telle synthèse. Cela n'est évidemment possible qu'en prenant en compte les tentatives qui ont été réalisées jusqu'à présent, de façon à éviter l'excès de diversité dont il vient d'être question. Inversément, cette analyse se veut plus qu'une simple compilation documentaire de ce qui a été écrit sur les relations extérieures des Etats fédéraux ; par sa méthode et par son objet, elle se distingue de celles qui l'ont précédée. Méthode et objet sont d'ailleurs indissociablement liés.

The Algerian War (1954-1962) took place in a particular historical context of the bankruptcy of colonialism, the development of the Cold War and the emergence of the Third World. Despite the little intervention by the People's Republic of China between 1954 and 1962, this war brought the conflicting history between East and West to a climax so that the Chinese government has always been very attentive to the development of the conflict. During the war, China received a large number of Algerian delegations, recognized the GPRA and established diplomatic relations. China's policy towards Algeria was, on the one hand, to encourage it on the path of armed struggle which would be accompanied by the resolution of the problem through negotiations, on the other hand, to remind Algeria to prevent the United States from interfering in the internal affairs of the country. At the same time, China provided considerable aid to Algeria. The Chinese government used its support for Algeria to reaffirm its claim to embody a truly revolutionary ideology. More importantly, this support was an important element of China's foreign policy during this period, reflecting the consciousness of China's united front to counter the United States, the most important part of China's diplomacy. Behind the Chinese government's declarations, policies and actions in favor of the FLN, we also see that the Chinese government wanted to impose new bilateral relations on the French government.As the Algerian War continued from 1958 onwards, China and France undertook to make contact and to probe repeatedly on the issue of recognition and establishment of diplomatic relations. The Algerian War therefore had an impact on the development of Franco-Chinese relations. It was a major obstacle in the rapprochement between the French and Chinese governments, especially from 1958 until 1962. ; La guerre d'Algérie (1954-1962) s'est inscrite dans un contexte historique particulier de faillite du colonialisme, de développement de la Guerre froide et d'émergence du ...

There is an increasing tendency for governments to try to involve union leadership in relations with themselves : what happens then to unions ? C. Crouch distinguishes two main types of union goals : money goals, and participation goals. In theory, the main union actors : national leadership, shop floor organisation and individual workers have different interests in these potential goals ; the capacity of unions to act in the political bargaining forum depends heavily on the nature of the relationship between these actors. It depends also on the contents of the political bargain. The author seeks support to his elaboration in the union — government relations in various West-European countries.

"La constitution du 06 novembre 2015 consacre l'avènement d'une nouvelle ère institutionnelle marquée par le renforcement des pouvoirs du Parlement, en donnant à celui-ci les moyens de jouer entre autres le rôle de censeur. Ce nouveau cadre institutionnel implique une gestion plus étroite et plus efficace des relations entre l'exécutif et le législatif en vue de répondre aux exigences du jeu démocratique, de la bonne gouvernance et de la stabilité de l'État. L'objet du présent ouvrage est de mettre à la disposition du public les méandres de la procédure législative, de l'initiative d'un texte à sa publication au journal officiel. L'auteur nous plonge également dans les coulisses des rapports spécifiques entre le gouvernement et le Parlement."--Page 4 of cover