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Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- Ital. 60 u

Gli avvenimenti politico-istituzionali degli ultimi anni hanno determinato un vivace dibattito sulla questione dei cc.dd. "governi del Presidente", con cui si suole far riferimento ad Esecutivi il cui procedimento di formazione e le cui crisi registrano un interventismo del Presidente della Repubblica superiore a quello richiesto e/o consentito dal dettato costituzionale. Obiettivo dell'elaborato è duplice: fornire un tentativo definitorio della categoria "governi del Presidente", nonché valutare la compatibilità di questa con la forma di governo parlamentare, soprattutto in considerazione dei recenti sviluppi delle dinamiche politico-istituzionali italiane. Sulla base di questo presupposto, nel presente lavoro si procede a una ricostruzione dell'evoluzione della prassi e delle consuetudini costituzionali in merito all'esercizio dei poteri presidenziali nella gestione delle crisi di governo, con particolare riferimento al procedimento di formazione dell'Esecutivo. La tesi si presenta articolata in due parti, corrispondenti a due differenti periodi storici (cc.dd. Prima e Seconda Repubblica), organizzate per capitoli, relativi alle principali fasi di evoluzione del sistema politico attraversate nel corso della storia della Repubblica. Questa scelta si giustifica in ragione del fatto che il modus operandi del Presidente della Repubblica risulta fortemente condizionato dai mutamenti del contesto politico-istituzionale. Nei singoli paragrafi, dedicati ai presidenti, vengono trattati l'elezione del Presidente, le modalità di formazione dei governi nominati, nonché ulteriori temi la cui disamina è stata ritenuta opportuna allo scopo di fornire una contestualizzazione più adeguata dell'analisi svolta (utilizzo del potere di esternazione e di scioglimento delle Camere, gestione delle attività di politica interna e politica estera, principali avvenimenti dei periodi storici considerati, e così via). ; The subject of the research is the so-called "Head of State's governments". This formula refers to the constitutional role of the President in relation to the appointment of the prime minister, the formation and dissolution of governments, and so on. In other word, main issue is whether the enlargement of powers of the Head of State in Italy is compatible with the Constitution. The research has two purposes. The first one is to investigate what exactly the constitutional doctrine means with "Head of State's government". The second one is to evaluate the compatibility of this kind of government with the Italian parliamentary form of government. The thesis contains the analysis of role of the praxis and the constitutional conventions in the evolution of the prerogatives of the Head of State in the formation of the governments. The thesis is structured as follows. It contains two main parts, according to a division in two main periods of the Italian Republic history (the First Republic and the Second Republic). Each part contains chapters, which are related to political phases. In fact, the activity of the Head of State is strictly influenced by the political context. Moreover, each paragraph is committed to a Head of State and gives information on the election, the governments, and other relevant topics (such as the moral suasion prerogative, the dissolution of the Parliament and some important historical events).

Il capitale sociale e la qualità istituzionale sono due fenomeni che, da circa venti anni, hanno assunto il ruolo di protagonisti all'interno delle scienze sociali. Anche se per molto tempo sono stati analizzati separatamente, già dalla loro definizione è possibile intuire come essi rappresentino due facce della stessa medaglia. Questo lavoro ha l'obiettivo di comprendere quale è le relazione che lega il capitale sociale e la qualità istituzionale all'interno delle regioni dell'Unione Europea. Nonostante buona parte della letteratura si sia maggiormente dedicata all'analisi dei due fenomeni a livello nazionale, in questo elaborato si ritiene che la dimensione territoriale regionale sia l'unità di misura più idonea per analizzarli entrambi. La prima parte del lavoro analizza il capitale sociale sia da un punto di vista definitorio che da un punto di vista più prettamente empirico, suddividendolo in diversi elementi. Il capitale sociale è un fenomeno estremamente multidimensionale, analizzarne solo una parte condurrebbe ad un'analisi parziale ed approssimativa. All'interno del testo vengono individuate cinque dimensioni, utilizzate successivamente per la creazione di un nuovo indice di capitale sociale regionale. Nella seconda parte si affronta il tema delle istituzioni e della qualità istituzionale. Dopo aver definito le istituzioni, si provvede ad effettuare una rassegna degli indici più comunemente utilizzati per misurarne la qualità, selezionando l'European Quality of Government Index del Quality of Government Institute di Göteborg come il più appropriato, sia per la sua definizione di governance che per l'unità di analisi prescelta. Nella terza parte, infine, in seguito ad un'analisi di quella parte di letteratura che ritiene i due fenomeni indissolubilmente legati ed utilizzando l'indice di capitale sociale regionale sviluppato nel primo capitolo, si propone una risposta, sicuramente parziale e non definitiva, alla domanda che da vent'anni anima questo interessante filone di ricerca: che relazione sussiste tra qualità istituzionale e capitale sociale? ; In the last 20 years, the concepts of governance and social capital assumed a pivotal role within social science. Even if previous scholars tended to deal with them separately, it is straightforward to notice that the two phenomena are actually highly connected. The aim of this work is to explore the existing relation between social capital and quality of institutions in several European Union's regions. Albeit the majority of the scholars are focused on the national level, this thesis considers the regional dimension, deemed to be the most suitable territorial unit to look at the two phenomena jointly. The first section is devoted to the analysis of the social capital, with the purposes of providing a theoretical definition and illustrating its empirical implications. Social capital is a multidimensional phenomenon, and to deal with just one of these two aspects would have led to a shallow and partial analysis. Moreover, within this section, we are going to individuate five dimensions, used to create a new index of regional social capital. The second part of this contribution is aimed at scrutinizing institutions and their quality. Soon after a preliminary definition, this section is going to provide a review concerning the most common indexes measuring the quality of institutions. Taking into consideration the definition of governance as well as the selected unit of analysis, the European Quality of Government Index, is deemed to be the most suitable for our analysis. Lastly, a final section is going to deal with the body of literature conceiving the two phenomena as highly connected. Employing the new regional social capital index, this conclusive section is going to propose a preliminary answer to the question that, in the last 20 years, has stimulated this interesting debate: what is the type of relation existing between governance and social capital?

Gli obiettivi del saggio partono dal tratteggiamento del quadro territoriale ed economico della Norcia del secolo XV e dalla ricostruzione della sua vita civica: istituzioni, uffici e assemblee. Si passa poi all'analisi della società locale, con l'individuazione delle famiglie eminenti, delle caratteristiche degli altri gruppi sociali, dell'assetto e della composizione del ceto dirigente. Infine si giunge all'esame dei rapporti politici con il governo papale, soprattutto dei metodi di intervento attuati dalla S. Sede per controllare l'area in questione. Metodologicamente il saggio si fonda sulla connessione tra lo studio delle società locali, soprattutto dei gruppi dirigenti cittadini, e lo studio delle relazioni tra esse e il potere centrale. Tra i risultati principali, in questo caso, emergono alcune rilevanti specificità del contesto di Norcia, che evidenziano la diversità degli atteggiamenti con cui il governo papale si relazionava con i diversi soggetti politici del proprio Stato.The objectives of the essay start from the tracing of the territorial and economic framework of Norcia in the XVth century, and from the reconstruction of its civic life: institutions, offices and assemblies. Then the essay moves on to the analysis of the local society, to the identification of the eminent families, of the characteristics of the other social groups, of the structure and composition of the ruling class. Finally are examinated the political relations with the papal government, especially the methods of intervention used by the Holy See to control that area. Methodologically the essay is based on the connection between the study of local societies, especially about the cities' leading groups, and the study of the relations between them and the central power. Among the main results, in this case, emerge some significant specificities of the Norcia context, which highlight the diversity of methods used by the papal government to relate to the different political subjects of its State.

Marx continua ad essere un pensatore vivo, come dimostrano i numerosi studi degli ultimi anni. Marx va costantemente alla ricerca di quelle forze soggettive che possano fare la storia dal suo interno. E le individua in quelle potenze produttive che sono trasformate in soggetto storico all'interno della società civile moderna. Il capitale per Marx non è soltanto una gigantesca macchina che produce ricchezza. È prima di tutto un rapporto sociale. Accanto alle logiche della valorizzazione sono necessarie e si sviluppano delle tecniche di potere che producono la soggettività del lavoro. Governare la forza-lavoro significa istituire un rapporto di subalternità, disciplinare l'uso dei corpi, regolare la mobilità e l'accesso degli individui alla ricchezza. È per questo motivo che ho trovato utile riprendere alcuni tasselli della complessa produzione teorica foucaultiana al fine di pensare l'impensato in Marx. Il mio lavoro si colloca ai bordi di questa frontiera per spingersi oltre, indagando le strategie, i metodi e le tecniche tramite le quali per Marx la forza-lavoro è catturata in una rete di produzione/potere. Questa maglia di relazioni soggettive e dispositivi oggettivi costituisce quella che Marx chiama la società civile. La bürgerliche Gesellschaft, infatti, non è per Marx solo il luogo dello scambio, della compravendita della forza-lavoro, del sistema dei bisogni, ma anche spazio della cooperazione, della costituzione di corpi collettivi, dello sviluppo di forme organizzative e aspirazioni politiche. È così che il governo della forza-lavoro (in senso oggettivo) si tramuta in liberazione delle forze produttive tramite l'invenzione di nuove istituzioni (quel governo del lavoro vivo in senso soggettivo esemplificato dalla Comune di Parigi). ; Marx continues to be a lively thinker, as shown by numerous studies in recent years. Marx is constantly looking for those subjective forces that could act the story from the inside. And he identifies them in those productive powers that have become an historical subject within modern civil society. Capital for Marx is not only a gigantic machine that produces wealth. It is first and foremost a social relationship. In addition to the logic of enhancement, techniques of power are necessary and developed in order to produce the subjectivity of the work. Governing the workforce means to establish a subordinate relationship, to control the use of bodies, to adjust the mobility and access of individuals to wealth. It is for this reason that I found useful to take some pieces of the complex theoretical production of Foucault in order to think the unthinkable in Marx. My work is at the edge of this border to go further by investigating the strategies, methods and techniques through which workforce is captured in a production/power network. This web of subjective relations and objective devices constitutes what Marx calls the civil society. The bürgerliche Gesellschaft, in fact, for Marxi s not only the place of exchange and of the system of needs, but also field for cooperation, for the production of collective bodies, and development of organizational forms and political aspirations. That is how the government of the workforce (in the objective sense) turns into liberation of the productive forces through the invention of new institutions (that government of living labor in the subjective sense exemplified by the Paris Commune).

The essay examines the political history of Ascoli in the Quattrocento through its relations with the Papal States and the various regimes which arose in the first half of that century. The focus is on the relationships between the regimes and the institutional frameworks, showing a substantial resistance of the latter in the rapid succession of the former. Political society in Ascoli was animated by disruptive struggles between factions, which at times took the form of family feuds. At the same time, the conflicts that arose may also be seen in light of the selection process of governmental oligarchies, which were socially fluid and not yet crystallized. The balance between the city and the Papacy appears to have been subject to change: the obtainment of the libertas ecclesiastica at the end of the century shows the ability of the hegemonic elite to engage in fruitful dialogue with the Papal States, and to enforce their own political culture. ; Il testo esamina la storia politica di Ascoli nel Quattrocento attraverso i rapporti con la monarchia papale e con i regimi signorili che si affermarono nella prima metà del secolo. L'indagine si focalizza sulle relazioni fra regimi e assetti istituzionali, dimostrando la sostanziale tenuta dei secondi nel rapido susseguirsi dei primi. La società politica ascolana fu animata da laceranti lotte fazionarie, che presero talora la forma di faide familiari, ma la conflittualità interna può essere letta anche alla luce del processo di selezione nelle oligarchie di governo, socialmente fluide e non ancora cristallizzate. Gli equilibri fra città e papato appaiono cangianti: l'ottenimento della libertas ecclesiastica alla fine del Quattrocento denota la capacità dell'élite egemone di dialogare con il papato e di far valere la propria cultura politica.

The last twenty-five years of relations between Turkey and Israel are the most intense years of their diplomatic relations. From the 90s, when the two Countries had have good relations, to the deep crisis of 2010, the role of the two Countries in the region has radically changed for both the international context and the changes of governments in both Countries. This essay will take into account both the crucial historical moments of relations between the two Countries and the elements of theory of international relations that have fostered these steps and changes. Finally, there will be a brief comments about the latest upheavals (especially in Turkey but also in United States) and about prospects that could entail in relations with Israel. The energy issue is purposely neglected to focus on the political-economic one.

The last twenty-five years of relations between Turkey and Israel are the most intense years of their diplomatic relations. From the 90s, when the two Countries had have good relations, to the deep crisis of 2010, the role of the two Countries in the region has radically changed for both the international context and the changes of governments in both Countries. This essay will take into account both the crucial historical moments of relations between the two Countries and the elements of theory of international relations that have fostered these steps and changes. Finally, there will be a brief comments about the latest upheavals (especially in Turkey but also in United States) and about prospects that could entail in relations with Israel. The energy issue is purposely neglected to focus on the political-economic one.

Speech delivered in the German Reichstag on National Socialism and world relations. Translated from German to Italian. ; Florida Atlantic University Libraries' Marvin and Sybil Weiner Spirit of America Collection, Pamphlets: Foreign Language B2F26 ; Florida Atlantic University Digital Library

The present article addresses the question of the relationship between the Constitution of the State and the freedom of the individual in the light of the recent book by professor Giuseppe Duso Libertà e Costituzione in Hegel, an essay regarding Hegel's political think-ing and particularly on his Philosophy of Right. By trying to sum up Hegel's complex ar-gument about sovereignty and government, this article aims to highlight an historical and theoretical problem: with the end of the Jus Publicum Europaeum something has changed in the conceiving of the relation between State and civil society. It seems nowadays very hard to figure out government without sovereignty because of the difficult to imagine a po-litical functioning within the "totality" brought about by the age of globalization and by the crisis of the national States.

I wish to present the reader with some clarifications concerning the essays here pre-sented. They are in a conceptual history perspective and focus on Hegelian texts in order to show that it is possible to find in them an Aufhebung not only of sover-eignty but also of those modern concepts from which it stemmed. Such overcoming clearly shows in the concept of constitution as an articulated and plural totality. The essays also try to clarify the role of philosophy for society, also in relation to social sciences. If the debate may be summarized in the formula "through Hegel, beyond Hegel", the horizon which thus opens up in the present time may be de-scribed as a new federalism.

Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- Gall.g. 617 z

My PhD dissertation focuses on the relations between Italy and Great Britain in the Sixties, regarding the first enlargement of the European Community. In order to clarify how these relations have evolved, the research drew on a variety of archival sources, both British and Italian, such as documents held at the National Archives in London, at the "Archivio Centrale di Stato", the "Archivio Storico del Senato" and the "Archivio Storico Diplomatico del Ministero degli Affari Esteri e della Cooperazione Internazionale" in Rome. My work tries to clarify how the initial lack of interest shown by Her Majesty's Government towards the Italians and their «uncalled, unhelpful and generally tiresome» determination to participate in international affairs (National Archives, Foreign Office 371/145029, British Embassy, Rome, 21 July 1959) gradually abated, up to bring the United Kingdom and Italy to sign a Declaration on Europe in April 1969. Combining British, Italian, European and international history, the thesis sheds new light on some significant moments of the Anglo-Italian relations, for instance, in March 1958, when the Italian Minister of Foreign Trade, Guido Carli, suggested a Plan to overcome the French opposition to the British proposal to create a Free Trade Area among the members of the Organisation for European Economic Co-operation (OEEC). The research analyses also the idea of an Anglo-Italian Axis suggested by the Italian Minister of the Budget, Ugo La Malfa in December 1962- idea reiterated both in 1965 and in 1968- with the aim to stand against the opposition of General de Gaulle to the British request of joining the European Communities. Finally, the dissertation reserves a proper space to the commitment of Pietro Nenni and Altiero Spinelli in involving the British Government in the project a European political Community

The essay describes how was approached the Transylvanian question during the interwars period in Italy, by a part of the Italian intelligentsia particularly pro Hungarian. Authors and books reflect in somehow the pro Hungary position emerged during the Twenties in Italy, supported by the revisionism of Fascist government and improved during the Thirties. Several books and essays proposed to change the borders between Hungary and Romania, until the Italian-German negotiation and the Vienna Diktat of 1940.

In the aftermath of Japan's closing edicts of the 1640s, the curious episode of the mission of the Dutch agent Andries Frisius to the court of Iemitsu in 1650 was an emblematic case of the new course of the diplomatic relations established by the Tokugawa government with Europeans. Local authorities' occasional contacts with the Dutch still revealed uncertainty in diplomatic and commercial exchanges based on rules set by the central government, not yet fully implemented at the local level. Besides the embarrassment in developing official relations, the few European agents admitted in the archipelago had to satisfy the numerous requests from the authorities, as evidenced by the singular case of Frisius. Agents' commitments also included the presentation of official reports, the so-called fūsetsugaki, the news on overseas affairs and European historical events that envoys of the Dutch East India Company were asked to present regularly to the shogunal authorities in Edo. These chronicles had implications in terms of the reception of the image of Europe, influencing to some extent the foreign policy of the time. ; In the aftermath of Japan's closing edicts of the 1640s, the curious episode of the mission of the Dutch agent Andries Frisius to the court of Iemitsu in 1650 was an emblematic case of the new course of the diplomatic relations established by the Tokugawa government with Europeans. Local authorities' occasional contacts with the Dutch still revealed uncertainty in diplomatic and commercial exchanges based on rules set by the central government, not yet fully implemented at the local level. Besides the embarrassment in developing official relations, the few European agents admitted in the archipelago had to satisfy the numerous requests from the authorities, as evidenced by the singular case of Frisius. Agents' commitments also included the presentation of official reports, the so-called fūsetsugaki, the news on overseas affairs and European historical events that envoys of the Dutch East India Company were asked to present regularly to the shogunal authorities in Edo. These chronicles had implications in terms of the reception of the image of Europe, influencing to some extent the foreign policy of the time.