Suchergebnisse

Magistrska naloga obravnava in analizira odnose med županom kot najvišjim političnim funkcionarjem in direktorjem občinske uprave kot najvišjim javnim uslužbencem. V prvem delu sta predstavljeni zgodovina lokalne samouprave v Sloveniji in Ustava Republike Slovenije, ki je najvišji splošni pravni akt in lokalni samoupravi posveča svoje poglavje. Načela, ki vodijo lokalno samoupravo in so pomembna za uspešno delovanje in razvoj lokalne samouprave, so načelo avtonomije, načelo subsidiarnosti in načelo regionalizacije. Slovenske občine se vedno bolj vključujejo v skupne občinske uprave za opravljanje posameznih nalog, saj so občinske uprave v manjših občinah kadrovsko nedohranjene. Prav tako se občine vključujejo v združenja občin, saj lahko na ta način bolje zagotavljajo svoj skupni interes na področju lokalne samouprave. Občine med seboj sodelujejo tudi na podlagi sporazumov o pobratenju, ki ima pozitivne učinke na lokalno samoupravo in lokalno okolje, saj gre za stik z mednarodnimi partnerji, izmenjavo izkušenj in pridobitev različnih novih znanj. V nadaljevanju naloge so predstavljene ravni lokalne samouprave v sosednjih državah Republiki Hrvaški in Republiki Avstriji. V drugem, raziskovalnem delu naloge je prikazana primerjava lokalnih skupnosti v dveh izbranih evropskih državah. Na podlagi intervjujev je bila izvedena primerjava odnosov med oblastjo v lokalni samoupravi in politiko. V intervjujih so sodelovali župani in direktorji občinskih uprav manjših slovenskih, hrvaških in avstrijskih občin. V nalogi so predstavljena tudi mnenja županov in direktorjev občinskih uprav o njihovih odnosih v občinah. ; This research work discusses and analyses the relationship between the mayor, as the highest political official and the director of municipal administration as senior civil servant. The first section presents the history of local government in Slovenia and the Constitution of the Republic of Slovenia, which is the highest general legal act and the local government has its own chapter in the Constitution. Principles that lead local government and are important for a successful operation and development of local self-government is the principle of autonomy, the principle of subsidiarity and the principle of regionalization. Slovenian municipalities are increasingly involved in Joint Municipal Administration to perform specific tasks, as the municipal administration in small municipalities are understaffed. In addition, the municipalities integrate themselves in the Association of Municipalities to ensure their common interests better in the field of local self-government. Municipalities cooperate with each other based on agreements of town, which has a positive impact on local government and the local environment, because of the contact with international partners, exchange of experience and the acquisition of various new skills. In the following part of the work levels of local government in the neighbouring countries, the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Austria are presented. The second part of the research work, a comparison of local communities in the two selected European countries, is presented. A comparison was made about relations between the authorities and the local government policy based on interviews. In the interviews, the mayors and directors of municipal administrations of small Slovenian, Croatian and Austrian municipalities participated. The thesis also shows the opinions of mayors and the directors of municipal administrations of their relations in the municipalities.

POVZETEK Prvi del magistrske naloge zajema razlago ustavnih ureditev treh držav, Združenih držav Amerike, Francije in Slovenije, ter instrumente in institucije, podobne slovenski interpelaciji. Ustavne ureditve so vključene zaradi razumevanja razmerja med parlamentom in vlado, saj to igra ključno vlogo pri sprožitvi procesa interpelacije ter pri postavljanju poslanskih vprašanj. Interpelacija po slovenski ureditvi pomeni formalno vloženo pisno vprašanje skupine deset ali več poslancev z namenom, da bi odstavili bodisi ministra ali vlado. Interpelacija je orodje opozicije, da izpostavi trenutno oblast in jo postavi v položaj, kjer se mora javno zagovarjati. V ta kontekst so postavljeni primeri interpelacije v Sloveniji, ker so primer dejanskega nadzora parlamenta nad delovanjem vlade. Interpelacij se je v naši 26 let stari državi zgodilo kar nekaj, za magistrsko delo smo izbrali obdobje devete vlade Republike Slovenije, ki jo je vodil Borut Pahor. V času od novembra 2008 do februarja 2012 so se zgodile štiri interpelacije, ki so dober primer tega, kako je delovalo določeno ministrstvo v tistem obdobju, kakšen je bil sproten pritisk parlamenta na vlado in stališče opozicije do takratne oblasti. Z najprej opisanim razmerjem med parlamentom in vlado ter s primerjavo z drugimi državami smo pojasnili razmerje v slovenski ureditvi, nato pa s primeri interpelacije prikazali, kako to razmerje deluje v praksi. ; ABSTRACT The first part of the thesis consists of the overview of constitutional orders from three states: United States of America, France and Slovenia with the instruments and institutions similar to Slovenian interpellation. Constitutional orders are included because of the easier understanding of relationship between the Parliament and Government, which is crucial for the initiation of the interpellation process and for asking the parliamentary questions. Under the Slovenian constitution interpellation means a formal written question handed in by a group of ten or more members of the parliament with the intent to remove the minister or the government from its position. Interpellation is the instrument of the opposition, to call the coalition in question. In this context we have included the actual cases of interpellation in Slovenia, because they represent the control of Parliament above the work of Government. In our 26 years old country, there has been a significant number of interpellations, and the selected period is the ninth Government of Republic of Slovenia, which was under a leadership of Borut Pahor. In this precise time, from November 2008 to February 2012, four interpellations were processed, which show a good example of how a specific Ministry worked at the time, and what was the consistent pressure of Parliament on the Government, and the position of opposition towards the leadership at that time. With firstly described correlation between Parliament and Government and with the comparison with other countries, we have explained a relationship in Slovenian constitutional order, and afterwards I have presented how this relationship practically works with the cases of interpellations.

The need for legal regulation of essential local community relations derives from the nature of these relations, because vital conditions for life & work are regulated in a local community. In a locally conditioned form of association of people, the relative stability & predictability of relationships, which present a potential conflict of interest, can be achieved through the legal institutionalization of citizens' communication. The necessity for rationalizing the legal regulation of social relations has been emphasized lately. These trends need to be followed also in legal defining of regions. A detailed normative definition & over-organization of local self-government & performing governmental functions represent an obstacle to the implementation of authentic interests of local residents. The very satisfaction of the common needs & interests of the population in the future region represents a functional element in the legal image of the regional self-government. This image includes also territorial & organizational components. From this point of view, it is necessary to very carefully analyze the new Article 143 of the Constitution of the Republic of Slovenia that allows starting establishing regions as a second level of local self-government. In adopting acts that define system frameworks of regions, particular attention needs to be paid to the process of forming regions, to their financing & to delegating some tasks from the state competence to regions. References. Adapted from the source document.

The prescribed procedure for entering into a public-private partnership, which is the research subject in this paper, is extremely complex & long-lasting because in addition to the umbrella Public-Private Partnership Act, the public partner must observe also the regulations governing the commercial public services, public procurement, public finance & disposal of the physical assets of the state, regions & municipalities. Due to a great number of regulations that need to be observed upon entering into a public-private partnership, in a given case, the public partner has to judge whether or not it is more economical & appropriate to carry out his intention to finance investments in infrastructure or to carry out public service activities in a different manner either by granting an architectural right or by selling physical assets, or by public procurement & not by entering into a public-private partnership. Adapted from the source document.

After explaining the relationship between the executive, legislative, & judicial branches of government in the parliamentary system of the Republic of Estonia, the election, duties, responsibilities, & prerogatives of the office of president in this country are described. The Estonian constitutional law allows for up to five rounds of presidential election. The president of the Republic is elected by the parliament in the first three rounds of elections. If no candidate receives a majority of votes, a special electoral body, consisting of members of parliament & local government representatives, is formed to elect the president in the fourth, & if needed, fifth round. The Estonian president is elected for a five-year term, but no more than two consecutive terms. In exceptional circumstances, the term of the office of president can be longer or shorter than five years. The representative, executive, legislative (eg, the veto power), & commander-in-chief duties of the Estonian president are described, & scenarios for president recall/impeachment are outlined. Adapted from the source document.

Through the public procurement rules, protection of competition, equality of choice & transparency of the procedure in relationships between the public & private sectors are provided, to the greatest extent possible, in the EU rules. All the contractual relationships between the public & private sectors cannot be subject to strict & formal rules on public procurement primarily due to the special nature of business operations, complexity & duration of the relationships. Concessions or public-private partnerships of a concessionary nature are excluded from the legal regime that applies to public procurement. This paper analyses the contractual relationships of the concessionary nature & the EU efforts for ensuring a certain degree of equal treatment of private partners entering into public-private partnerships. Adapted from the source document.

This film documents the violence and terror in Punjab, India--a land torn apart by religious fundamentalists and a repressive government. After examining the political turmoil of the late 1970's and the rise of Sikh fundamentalism, the film focuses on the legacy of Bhagat Singh, a young socialist executed by the British in 1931 at the age of 23. Singh has since become a legend. Today the State eulogizes him as a nationalist while Sikh separatists portray him as a Sikh militant. In fact, Singh was neither. Just prior to his death he wrote a book which he entitled "Why I Am An Atheist." In strife-torn Punjab a band of brave Sikhs and Hindus carry Bhagat Singh's secular legacy from village to village. In the religiously charged countryside ideas of internationalism and secularism now carry a price

Sistemi organizacije državne oblasti se razlikujejo po načinu delitve oblasti, organih, ki so nosilci te oblasti ter njihovih medsebojnih odnosih. Parlamentarni sistem, ki je uveljavljen tudi pri nas, temelji na načelu delitve oblasti. Organi državne oblasti med seboj sodelujejo, se nadzorujejo, med njimi pa je z namenom preprečitve zlorabe oblasti vzpostavljen sistem zavor in ravnovesij. V moderni demokraciji med strankami na volitvah vedno poteka tekma za čim višje število glasov, zmago na volitvah in prevzem oblasti. Zmagovalna večina se poveže ter oblikuje vlado, stranke, ki niso članice koalicijske večine, pa čakajo na svojo priložnost na naslednjih volitvah. Vendar mora biti njihov glas vseeno slišan, saj odločitve večine postanejo tudi odločitve manjšine, ki mora zato imeti možnost vpliva na sprejemanje odločitev, poleg tega je pomembna tudi možnost nadzora dela koalicijske večine in izvršilne veje oblasti, v ta namen pa ima opozicija na voljo različne instrumente nadzora. Opozicija ima možnost uporabe svojih sredstev na različnih področjih, v okviru zakonodajne, volilne ter nadzorne funkcije Državnega zbora. Nosilec izvršilne oblasti je v parlamentarnih sistemih vlada, ki je parlamentu odgovorna za svoje delo, brez njegove podpore pa ne more delovati. Parlament, znotraj njega zlasti tudi opozicija, ima na voljo več instrumentov nadzora nad delom vlade, najpomembnejši so poslansko vprašanje, interpelacija in konstruktivna nezaupnica. Nesoglasja med parlamentom in vlado lahko privedejo do politične krize, v končni posledici pa tudi do razpustitve parlamenta in novih volitev. Obstaja več različic parlamentarnega sistema, razlikujejo pa se po načinu oblikovanja, sestavi in delovanju vlade. Naša ureditev se zgleduje po nemškem modelu, pri čemer pa v smeri skupščinske ureditve od njega odstopa v nekaterih pomembnih elementih. Predvsem je tu mišljeno imenovanje ministrov s strani Državnega zbora ter s tem povezani instrumenti, ki povečujejo individualno odgovornost posameznih ministrov v razmerju do Državnega zbora, kar je neskladno z modernimi parlamentarnimi sistemi, ki poznajo predvsem kolektivno odgovornost vlade. Taka ureditev relativizira pomen instituta konstruktivne nezaupnice, ki smo ga sprejeli iz nemškega modela. Zaradi naše neučinkovite ureditve bi bile smiselne ustavne spremembe, kar je zaznal tudi Državni zbor, saj je skupina poslancev predlagala spremembo ustavnih določb, ki se nanašajo na oblikovanje Vlade, v odzivu na ta predlog pa je nastal še predlog Strokovne skupine, ki je predlog poslancev analizirala. Ta naloga obravnava predlagani spremembi Ustave, predlog poslancev in predlog Strokovne skupine, s poudarkom na učinke predlaganih sprememb na položaj opozicije. Poleg tega so v nalogi predstavljene tudi nekatere druge možne spremembe Ustave, ki se nanašajo na način oblikovanja Vlade. Vsak predlog spremembe Ustave našo veljavno ureditev približuje določeni podvrsti parlamentarnega sistema. Pred sprejetjem kakršnekoli spremembe Ustave je torej vredno razmisliti, kateri ureditvi se želimo približati in kakšen vpliv na našo trenutno ureditev bi imel sprejem določene spremembe Ustave. ; The systems of state authority differ in the way they separate powers, branches of power that are holders of the power and their relations. The parliamentary system, which is established also in Slovenia, is based on the principle of separation of powers. The branches of state authority collaborate with each other and control the work of one another. The system of checks and balances is set up to prevent the abuse of power. In the modern democracy there has always been a race to get as many votes as possible, win the elections and take over the power among parties in the elections. The majority that wins is united and forms the Government, while parties that are not members of the majority coalition wait for their opportunity in the next elections. However, their voice has to be heard, because the decisions of majority become the decisions of minority as well, that is why they have to have an impact on decision-making. Besides, the possibility of supervision over the part of the majority coalition and the executive branch is important, for this purpose the opposition has different instruments of supervision. The opposition has a possibility of the use of its means on various areas, within the legislative, electoral and supervisory functions of Parliament. The government, which answers to the parliament for its work, but without its support cannot work properly, is the holder of the executive body in the parliamentary systems. The Parliament, and within it, also in particular the opposition, has several instruments for controlling the work of the Government, the most important are parliamentary question, interpellation and constructive vote of no confidence. Disagreements between the Parliament and the Government can lead to the political crisis and ultimately to the dissolution of the Parliament and new elections. There are several variants of parliamentary system, they differ in the way of forming, structure and working of the Government. Our system follows the German model's example, but as far as assembly is concerned, it differs in some important elements. This mainly refers to the appointment of ministers coming from the National Assembly and instruments referring to it. These instruments are increasing individual responsibility of individual ministers in relation to the National Assembly and that is inconsistent with modern parliamentary systems which are familiar with collective responsibility of the Government in particular. Such system relativizes the meaning of the institute of constructive vote of no confidence which is based on the German's model. Constitutional changes would be logical due to our ineffective system, this was also noticed by our National Assembly. The group of members of the Parliament proposed a change for constitutional provisions which refer to the forming of the Government. In response to this proposal, the Professional group, which analysed the proposal of the members of the Parliament, formed another one. This master's thesis deals with the proposed change of the Government, the proposal of members of the Parliament and the proposal of the Professional group, with emphasis on the effects of proposed changes regarding the position of the opposition. The thesis also presents some of the other possible constitutional changes that refer to the way of forming the Government. Each proposal of the constitutional change brings about our valid system to get closer to the certain category of the parliamentary system. It is worth considering which system is better and what kind of effect would passing a certain constitutional change cause, before even considering constitutional changes of any kind.

V Sloveniji se že vrsto let odvijajo razprave o ustanovitvi druge ravni lokalne samouprave, kljub več poskusom in ustavni zahtevi pa zaenkrat še vedno nimamo pokrajin. Regionalna in širša lokalna samouprava sta stalnici v večini držav Evropske unije (EU), eden izmed ključnih in najpomembnejših vidikov vzpostavitve take oblike oblasti pa je prav gotovo skrbna in ciljno naravnana določitev pristojnosti. V osrednjem delu te naloge so predstavljene okvirne ureditve nalog pokrajin v državah EU po naslednjih vsebinskih sklopih: zdravstvo, regionalni razvoj, gospodarstvo in turizem, izobraževanje in kultura ter infrastruktura, varstvo okolja in kmetijstvo. Naloga na kratko predstavi tudi prispevek Sveta Evrope in EU k razvoju lokalne samouprave na tej vmesni ravni, za jasnejše razumevanje pa poskuša jasno določiti tudi ločnico med federalno in unitarno ureditvijo ter regionalno in širšo lokalno samoupravo. Na koncu dodaja pregled stanja v Sloveniji v povezavi z ustanovitvijo pokrajin, določitvijo njihovih pristojnosti, njihovo ureditvijo v ustavi in trenutni predlagani zakonodaji. Ustava Republike Slovenije iz leta 1991 namreč predvideva tri vrste pristojnosti, in sicer naloge širšega lokalnega pomena, zadeve regionalnega pomena in naloge iz državne pristojnosti. Pri tem bomo morali biti pozorni, da pokrajinam ne bomo naložili preveč državnih pristojnosti in jim tako otežili ali celo onemogočili učinkovito opravljanje njihovih izvirnih pristojnosti. Ustrezna določitev pristojnosti je namreč ključnega pomena, pri tem pa nam je lahko v veliko pomoč poznavanje dobrih praks drugih držav, vendar pa se moramo vedno zavedati, da jih je treba razumeti v luči njihove družbene realnosti in ne pričakovati popolne preslikave pri nas. ; In Slovenia, discussion about the establishment of the secondary level of local self-government have been going on for years, but despite numerous attempts and a constitutional order, we still do not have provinces. Regional and local self-government are regularities in the majority of States of the European Union (EU), but one of the crucial and most important aspects of the establishment of such an authority is for sure a careful and goal-oriented determination of competences. In the main part of this thesis, we present framework regulations of the tasks of provinces in EU States by the following content sets: healthcare, regional development, economy and tourism, education and culture, infrastructure, environmental protection and agriculture. The thesis also briefly presents the contribution of the Council of Europe and EU to the development of local self-government at this intermediate level, but for better understanding, it tries to set a clear boundary between the federal and unitary regulation and the regional and wider local self-government. Finally, it adds an overview of the state in Slovenia in relation to the establishment of provinces, the determination of their competences, their regulation in the constitution and current proposed legislation. The 1991 Constitution of the Republic of Slovenia namely assumes three types of competences ; tasks of wider local importance, matters of regional importance and tasks within the State competence. In this manner, we will have to be careful to not assign to many State competences to provinces and thus complicate or even prevent provinces from effectively execute their original competences. Appropriate determination of competences is namely crucial and in this matter knowledge about good practices of other States can be of great help to us, but we have to be always aware that we have to understand them in the light of their social reality and not expect their perfect reflection in our case.

Doktorska disertacija analizira konstituiranje funkcije predsednika republike v bivših socialističnih državah. Podrobneje je analiziran ustavni položaj predsednika republike Estonije, Latvije, Litve, Poljske, Češke, Slovaške, Slovenije, Hrvaške, Madžarske, Romunije ter Bolgarije, torej v enajstih državah članicah Evropske unije. Gre za ureditve, ki so funkcijo predsednika republike kot individualnega šefa države uvedle v devetdesetih letih prejšnjega stoletja. Preučevane države so se ob konstituiranju funkcije predsednika republike in umestitvi njegovega položaja zgledovale po etabliranih pravnih sistemih. Pri tem je ob upoštevanju lastnih zgodovinskih, kulturnih in političnih razlogov prelitje posameznih ustavnih institutov privedlo do vzpostavitve svojevrstnega institucionalnega (ne)ravnovesja, kar odločilno vpliva na razmerje med vlado, parlamentom in predsednikom republike ter posledično na samo delovanje državne oblasti. V nekaterih ureditvah so bile sprva prisotne tendence po uvedbi sistema z močnejšim položajem šefa države, povzetim po predsedniškem oziroma polpredsedniškem sistemu, vendar je večina teh držav skozi ustavni razvoj in stabilizacijo političnega prostora postopoma omejila predsednikove pristojnosti. Drugače je v tistih ureditvah, kjer je ustavodajalec predsedniku že ob konstituiranju funkcije podelil predvsem reprezentativne pristojnosti, zgledujoč se po sistemih z nadvlado parlamenta, in tako onemogočil, da bi lahko predsednik, skladno s svojo nevtralno vlogo, ustrezno razreševal »krizne situacije« povezane z blokado oblasti, do katere lahko pride zaradi konfliktov med parlamentom in vlado. Danes se v analiziranih ustavnih ureditvah prepletajo številni elementi, značilni za različne politične sisteme, ki determinirajo (specifičen) položaj šefa države. Položaj predsednika republike, zlasti obseg njegovih pristojnosti in iz tega izhajajoča razmerja do zakonodajnih in izvršilnih organov, pa je hkrati tudi eno izmed temeljnih meril klasične klasifikacije političnih sistemov. Na predsednikov položaj poleg pristojnosti, ki jih izvršuje (predvsem na zakonodajnem in izvršilnem področju), vpliva tudi način njegove izvolitve. V primerjavi s tradicionalnimi zahodnimi sistemi v večini obravnavanih bivših socialističnih držav način izvolitve predsednika republike ni v neposredni korelaciji z obsegom njegovih formalno določenih pristojnosti. Na podlagi opravljene primerjalnopravne analize je mogoče ugotoviti, da ima predsednik republike v slovenski ureditvi (kjer mu je ustavodajalec z neposrednimi volitvami okrepil legitimnost, na drugi strani pa mu hkrati določil šibke, predvsem reprezentativne pristojnosti) najšibkejši položaj izmed obravnavanih enajstih bivših socialističnih držav. ; This doctoral dissertation deals with the constituting i.e. formation of the function of the President of the Republic in former socialist countries. It analyses in greater detail the constitutional role of the President of the Republic of Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Slovenia, Croatia, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria, i.e. eleven Member States of the European Union. These states put in place the office of President of the Republic as the individual Head of State in the 1990s. In the process of the formation of the function of the President of the Republic, the countries analysed took inspiration from other established legal systems. In this context, while taking into account their own historical, cultural and political reasons, these states have experienced a spill-over of individual constitutional institutions leading to the creation of a sui generis institutional equilibrium i.e. separation of powers, or lack thereof, which has a decisive impact on the relations between the Government, the Parliament and the President of the Republic, as well as, consequently, on the functioning of the authority of the state itself. Some political systems initially showed a tendency to introduce a system with a stronger head of state, inspired by presidential or semi-presidential republics, but the majority of these countries gradually limited the powers of the President through the constitutional development and stabilisation of their political space. The situation is, however, different in those countries where, from the very beginning of the formation of the function of the President of the Republic, the constitutional legislator conferred upon the President mainly representative powers, following the example of systems with parliamentary supremacy, thus preventing the President, in accordance with his or her neutral role, from being able to adequately address 'crisis situations' in relation to the blocking of authorities arising from conflicts between the Parliament and Government. Hence, the analysed constitutional regimes have now seen certain elements appear which are "alien" to different political systems and which determine the (specific) position of the Head of State. The position of the President of the Republic, and in particular the extent of his or her powers and the resulting relationship with the legislative and executive bodies, is also one of the fundamental criteria of the classic classification of political systems. In addition to the powers exercised (mainly in the legislative and executive domains), the President's position is also influenced by the way he or she is elected. Compared to traditional western systems, the way in which the President of the Republic is elected in most of the former socialist states in question is not directly correlated to the extent of his or her formally defined powers. Based on the analysis of comparative law carried out, it can be concluded that in a regime like the one set up in Slovenia (where the constitutional legislator strengthened the President's legitimacy by holding direct elections, but at the same time conferred upon him or her weak, mainly representative powers), the President's position is the weakest among the eleven former socialist states analysed.

V članku, ki temelji predvsem na arhivskem gradivu in publicistiki, je predstavljeno politično delovanje Ivana Švegla, nekdanjega avstro-ogrskega konzula v Združenih državah Amerike in Kanadi, ki je po prevratu deloval na pariški mirovni konferenci. V Začasnem narodnem predstavništvu v Beogradu je predstavljal Trst, na volitvah leta 1927 pa je kandidiral na listi Hrvaške kmečke stranke Stjepana Radića. V tem prispevku so predstavljene širše okoliščine Šveglove povezanosti z Radićevo stranko. ; This article presents the political activities of the Slovene diplomat and legal expert Ivan Krizostom Švegel (a.k.a. Hans Schwegel, 1875–1962), who primarily served as an Austro-Hungarian consul in the United States and Canada before the First World War. Although his involvement in the delegation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 has not passed unnoticed in Slovene historiography, less is known about his political career. Švegel already expressed his sympathies for the Croatian national demands at the Paris Peace Conference, especially by interceding with American diplomats for the incorporation of Rijeka by Yugoslavia and helping his Croatian counterparts settle the question concerning the affiliation of the Repaš (Hung. Répás) area along the Drava River. In the Temporary National Representation in Belgrade, Švegel represented Trieste and worked within the framework of the Yugoslav Club, headed by the president of the Pan-Slovene People's Party, Anton Korošec. However, Švegel soon parted ways with Korošec and withdrew from active politics for a few years. In the election of 1927, he ran on the ticket of the Croatian Peasant Party in the Gorski Kotar region at the personal proposal of Stjepan Radić and made his way into the Croatian parliamentary representation in the Belgrade assembly. Radić's decision to nominate Švegel as a Slovene candidate in one of the traditionally winnable Croatian constituencies for his party undoubtedly added to the chagrin of Korošec, who had long been at odds with Radić. Much to the surprise of Radić's most intimate circle, at the end of 1927 Švegel joined the rebellious faction of Ljudevit Kežman, a priest and long-standing secretary of the Croatian Peasant Party. Yet rather than hold him to blame, Radić continued to cooperate with Švegel until the fateful shooting incident in the Belgrade assembly on June 20th, 1928. During the assassination against Radić and his colleagues, Švegel, according to his own testimony, was composed enough to help lift Svetozar Pribićević from his bench to safety. In the early period of the royal dictatorship, Švegel maintained a low profile until the spring of 1930, when he joined the government as a minister without portfolio, together with three other dissidents from the former Croatian Peasant Party. After he was soon forced to leave his position in the royal government, he briefly returned to diplomacy in 1931 by being appointed envoy of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia to Buenos Aires. However, no later than 1932, he was forced to leave his office due to disagreements with other officials at the legation and the heads of the foreign ministry and to retire. As his correspondence with Marija Radić reveals, Švegel also remained a faithful adherent to Radić's views after the Second World War.

V članku je prikazan poskus ureditve mednacionalnih odnosov na istrskem polotoku v letih pred prvo svetovno vojno v širšem kontekstu reševanja nacionalnih konfliktov v avstrijski polovici Habsburške monarhije. Poseben poudarek je na predstavitvi in analizi moravskega kompromisa leta 1905, ki je temeljil na osebnem načelu in je postal nekakšen model za urejanje mednacionalnih odnosov v Cislajtaniji ter na analizi istrskega kompromisa leta 1908, ki je temeljil na teritorialnem načelu. ; The Habsburg monarchy was an absolutist monarchy before 1848, and from the Theresian-Josephine period there was a tendency to introduce a centralised unitary state. However, this was resisted by Hungary, which was able to maintain its special position under constitutional law. In 1867, the Habsurg Monarchy accepted the Austro-Hungarian compromise to be organized as a dual monarchy, as a personal and real union of two equal and more or less centralized states. The Monarchy was renamed to Austro-Hungary, however, in both parts of the states, this caused various national groups to experience a sense of discomfort and threat and consequently revoked their historical rights and national law. After the establishment of the Dual monarchy, the Wienna governments first favoured the correctional measures plans leading to federalism, after the affirmation of the dualism and the centralization, however, the idea of compromises became the central focus of solving the national disputes in Cisleithania. In 1905, German and Czech politicians in Moravia managed to reach an agreement on how to regulate the national situation in the country. The Moravian Agreement, which was conceived by the Regional Committee, was not based on territorial but on personal principles and became a model for the regulation of international relations in Cislaitania. The Istrian peninsula was also a focal point of national conflict, where Slavic deputies, especially after 1883, strongly advocated the realisation of linguistic equality in the country. The Italian majority in the Istrian Regional Assembly consistently rejected linguistic equality in the Regional Assembly. The Italian side became more receptive to Slavic demands only after the introduction of universal male suffrage for the National Assembly (1907), when it became clear that the process of political democratisation was working in favour of the emancipation of the majority Slavic population. In 1908, the Istrian Agreement, or the Regional Electoral Reform, was signed. The Slavs on the Istrian peninsula have thus won a victory. The Istria Agreement was based on the territorial division of electoral districts according to the principle of nationality and ensured that neither side majorised the other.