Suchergebnisse

Nigeria struggles to establish and sustain cooperative, interdependent state-local intergovernmental relations (IGR) by providing for the powers and rights of local governments in the federal constitution. Despite the provisions, the practice of state-local IGR has remained inclusive, hierarchical, dependent and competitive. This paper investigates the extent to which constitutional provisions determine state-local relations as against the macrostructure of intergovernmental relations between the federal government and states. The authors argue that it is difficult to expect a cooperative, interdependent, state-local IGR through constitutional provisions of the powers and rights of local governments, if the federal-state relations, which should be the determining framework of IGR is inclusive, hierarchical and dependent. The paper suggests that the lower forms of IGR in a federation (e.g. the state-local IGR), largely depend on the super-structure, which is that between the federal government and the lower tiers. The implication is that the level of autonomy enjoyed by local governments largely depends on the level of autonomy the states themselves enjoy. ; Nigeria tiene dificultades para establecer y mantener relaciones intergubernamentales (RIG), cooperativas e interdependientes entre los gobiernos de sus estados y los gobiernos locales (municipales), según lo dispuesto en su constitución federal, que establece poderes y derechos para estos últimos, llamados consejos de gobiernos locales (LGCs). A pesar de las disposiciones constitucionales, las RIG entre estados y LGCs siguen siendo inclusivas, jerárquicas, dependientes y competitivas. Este artículo discute hasta qué punto las disposiciones constitucionales determinan las relaciones entre esos dos niveles de gobierno en comparación con la macroestructura de RIG entre los gobiernos federal y de los estados. El estudio indica que es difícil esperar RIG cooperativas e independientes entre estados y las LGCs (como resultado de disposiciones constitucionales que otorgan poderes y derechos a los gobiernos locales), si la RIG entre la federación y los estados (que debería servir como estructura modelo) sigue siendo inclusiva, jerárquica y dependiente. Los hallazgos sugieren que las relaciones entre los niveles de gobierno locales y de los estados en una federación dependen en gran medida de cómo se coloca la superestructura, que es la que involucra al gobierno federal en su interacción con los demás niveles. Esta condición muestra que el nivel de autonomía de los gobiernos locales depende, en gran parte, del nivel de autonomía de los estados federados. ; A Nigéria encontra dificuldades em estabelecer e sustentar relações intergovernamentais (RIG), cooperativas e interdependentes, entre governos estaduais e locais, como previsto em sua constituição federal que estabelece poderes e direitos a esses últimos, denominados conselhos de governo local (LGCs). Apesar das disposições constitucionais, as RIG entre estados e LGCs permanecem inclusivas, hierárquicas, dependentes e competitivas. Este artigo discute até que ponto as disposições constitucionais determinam as relações entre esses dois níveis de governo, em comparação com a macroestrutura de RIGs entre governos federal e estaduais. O estudo indica que é difícil esperar RIGs cooperativas e independentes entre estados e LGCs (como resultado de disposições constitucionais que concedem poderes e direitos aos governos locais), se a RIG entre a federação e os estados (que deve servir de estrutura-modelo) segue sendo inclusiva, hierárquica e dependente. As conclusões sugerem que as relações entre os níveis locais e estaduais de governo em uma federação dependem amplamente da forma como se coloca a superestrutura, que é aquela que envolve o governo federal em sua interação com os demais níveis. Essa condição mostra que o nível de autonomia dos governos locais depende, em grande parte, do nível de autonomia dos estados federados.

The general objective of this article is to investigate, in Foucault's perspective, the relations between government and subjectivity, through the arts of government and the constitution of the modern state. In this task, we consider the courses given by Foucault, Security, Territory, Population and The birth of biopolitics, to deal with the presence of pastoral power in the constitution of governmentality. The specific objective is to research other possibilities of social organization, associated with democratic principles, such as solidarity and self-management in opposition to the effects generated by neoliberalism, with a generalization of market values ​​in individual and collective practices. In our hypothesis, we consider an anarchist perspective as the vital counterpoint in the production of other forms of social and political life, beyond exclusively economic principles. At this point, we present the basic concepts of anarchist values, such as an idea of ​​self-management, mutual support, an idea of ​​freedom, found in Bakunin, Kropotkin and Goldman, and a possibility of thinking about resistances and practices in the present, as reflected by Rago. We also went through a critique of the model of social organization and the very idea of ​​democracy, based on Graeber's indicators in A project of democracy. Finally, our effort aim to reflect on the possibilities of another world, from a perspective that is radically opposed to the political and social practices that are found nowadays. We intend, therefore, to think about the present time and the possibility of new forms of existence.

This article discusses artistic work, based on the concepts of self-invention and governmentality analyzed by Foucault, Veyne and Bennett. Life, in liberal rationalities, is understood as a field of government and as a capital. Artists invest their lives, perceptions and feelings in their artworks. Such interest, however, may conduct to identity politics. To avoid the fragmentation of the cultural field, the arts must be considered in their power relations and historical contingencies; understood as public and common goods that manifest more than mere capital but human power of invention. However, the transformation of cultural habits is a long-term task that involves the State, the private initiative and civil society. ; O artigo discorre sobre o trabalho artístico a partir dos conceitos de invenção de si e governamentalidade, analisados por Foucault, Veyne e Bennett. Nas racionalidades liberais, a vida é tomada como campo de governo e como capital. O artista investe sua vida, suas percepções e afetos na criação das obras. Mas esse interesse também pode conduzir a políticas identitárias. Para evitar que o campo se fragmente, as artes devem ser compreendidas, em suas relações de força e contingências históricas, como bens públicos e comuns, que manifestam, mais do que um capital, a potência humana de invenção. Contudo, transformar hábitos culturais é tarefa de longo prazo, que envolve o Estado, a iniciativa privada e a sociedade civil.

KEYWORDS: center of government; governance arrangement; policy coordination; democracy; Brazil.ABSTRACT Introduction: This paper aims to analyze how the Center of Government (CoG) operates as units responsible for conducting the presidential agenda in contemporary Brazil. Materials and Methods: The study applied the theoretical approach of CoG as a governance arrangement and used qualitative and quantitative data to reach its objective. Besides the bibliographic review on the literature and official documents, the study synthesizes and deepens empirical data and information from a joint research project covering the period of political stability in Brazil, from 1995 to 2014, when elected presidents ended their terms. Results: The empirical findings confirm that CoG is a flexible and dynamic phenomenon. It puts a critical perspective on the normative "good governance" approach that overvalues its technical dimension and neglects its political aspect. Discussion: The inquiry results shed light on the importance of the relation between politics and policy, by demonstrating that CoG's configuration and functions vary due to multiple causes, each president's priority policy agenda is implemented with different strategies and; the prioritized policies follow a unique coordination logic inside the Brazilian federal government.