Suchergebnisse

Magistrska naloga obravnava in analizira odnose med županom kot najvišjim političnim funkcionarjem in direktorjem občinske uprave kot najvišjim javnim uslužbencem. V prvem delu sta predstavljeni zgodovina lokalne samouprave v Sloveniji in Ustava Republike Slovenije, ki je najvišji splošni pravni akt in lokalni samoupravi posveča svoje poglavje. Načela, ki vodijo lokalno samoupravo in so pomembna za uspešno delovanje in razvoj lokalne samouprave, so načelo avtonomije, načelo subsidiarnosti in načelo regionalizacije. Slovenske občine se vedno bolj vključujejo v skupne občinske uprave za opravljanje posameznih nalog, saj so občinske uprave v manjših občinah kadrovsko nedohranjene. Prav tako se občine vključujejo v združenja občin, saj lahko na ta način bolje zagotavljajo svoj skupni interes na področju lokalne samouprave. Občine med seboj sodelujejo tudi na podlagi sporazumov o pobratenju, ki ima pozitivne učinke na lokalno samoupravo in lokalno okolje, saj gre za stik z mednarodnimi partnerji, izmenjavo izkušenj in pridobitev različnih novih znanj. V nadaljevanju naloge so predstavljene ravni lokalne samouprave v sosednjih državah Republiki Hrvaški in Republiki Avstriji. V drugem, raziskovalnem delu naloge je prikazana primerjava lokalnih skupnosti v dveh izbranih evropskih državah. Na podlagi intervjujev je bila izvedena primerjava odnosov med oblastjo v lokalni samoupravi in politiko. V intervjujih so sodelovali župani in direktorji občinskih uprav manjših slovenskih, hrvaških in avstrijskih občin. V nalogi so predstavljena tudi mnenja županov in direktorjev občinskih uprav o njihovih odnosih v občinah. ; This research work discusses and analyses the relationship between the mayor, as the highest political official and the director of municipal administration as senior civil servant. The first section presents the history of local government in Slovenia and the Constitution of the Republic of Slovenia, which is the highest general legal act and the local government has its own chapter in the Constitution. Principles that lead local government and are important for a successful operation and development of local self-government is the principle of autonomy, the principle of subsidiarity and the principle of regionalization. Slovenian municipalities are increasingly involved in Joint Municipal Administration to perform specific tasks, as the municipal administration in small municipalities are understaffed. In addition, the municipalities integrate themselves in the Association of Municipalities to ensure their common interests better in the field of local self-government. Municipalities cooperate with each other based on agreements of town, which has a positive impact on local government and the local environment, because of the contact with international partners, exchange of experience and the acquisition of various new skills. In the following part of the work levels of local government in the neighbouring countries, the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Austria are presented. The second part of the research work, a comparison of local communities in the two selected European countries, is presented. A comparison was made about relations between the authorities and the local government policy based on interviews. In the interviews, the mayors and directors of municipal administrations of small Slovenian, Croatian and Austrian municipalities participated. The thesis also shows the opinions of mayors and the directors of municipal administrations of their relations in the municipalities.

In the early days of Xi Jinping's rule, Sino-Australian cooperation was successful and benefiting both sides. Establishing a "strategic partnership" and the conclusion of a free trade agreement made it possible to deepen the relationship. In addition to developing economic relations, states actively collaborated on the social and cultural levels. China's growing power has brought new challenges. The increase in spending on armaments and the modernization of the army contributed to the increased military presence of the PRC in the region and the exacerbation of disputes in the South China Sea and the East China Sea, raising tensions in the region. The growing influence of the People's Republic of China in Australia has caused concern for the government, which has started to limit it. Beijing has been critical of Australian law to reduce foreign interference. The purpose of this study is to analyze the Sino-Australian relations in 2013-2018.

Studies presented in this publication were aimed at provide data necessary for the conducting of local government and citizenship dimension of the enlarged Polish foreign policy in Podlaskie region. The main objective was to investigate the diagnosis, as the local government units, non-governmental organizations, businesses and universities alluded cross-border cooperation with partners in Lithuania, Belarus, Ukraine and Russia (Kaliningrad). The publication indicated areas of the greatest potential, as well as barriers to such cooperation in the region. Particular attention was paid to the cooperation of these entities, combining their potentials and create joint projects.

After Scottish Devolution referendum in 1997, Parliament of United Kingdom passed the Scotland Act 1998, creating the Scottish Parliament and Scottish Executive. Changes in United Kingdom structure created situation similar to federal countries, where national and regional governments need to cooperate and coordinate their activities. Intergovernmental relations in the UK are mostly relations between executives, with limited role of parliaments. This paper analyzes intergovernmental relations in two periods – before 2007, when formal institutions like Joint Ministerial Committee were rarely used and after 2007, when Scottish Executive and UK Government were led by different political parties – Scottish National Party on the regional level and Labour Party on the national level. The aim of the article was to describe intergovernmental relations throughout 1999–2010 years, explain asymmetry, informality and inconsistency of this relations and prognose future relations in the context of Calman's Commission works.

The Diet of Galicia and Lodomeria had no legally binding means to influence the activity of the government. Despite the unsuccessful attempt to strengthen its position relative to the government administration, the Diet used its available powers to affect the administrative actions of the government. The results of these interpellations were varied. In cases where the local interests and those of the Vienna government were divergent, the Diet was not able to persuade the government to alter its policy, as demonstrated by the futile efforts to convince the government to take a more liberal position on the matter of the Polish refugees. However, in cases where the national interest and the political plans of the central government could be reconciled, the actions of the Diet were more effective. The central government cooperated with the autonomous Galician institutions on matters like education or military service. ; Galicyjski Sejm Krajowy nie miał efektywnych środków prawnych, dzięki którym mógłby wiążąco wpływać na działania namiestnictwa. Próba wzmocnienia stanowiska wobec administracji rządowej zakończyła się niepowodzeniem. Nie znaczy to jednak, że Sejm nie starał się wykorzystywać przysługujących mu uprawnień do wywierania wpływu na czynności administracyjne namiestnictwa. Interpelacje i wezwania kierowane do namiestnika były mniej lub bardziej skuteczne. W sprawach, w których interesy kraju i władz centralnych wyraźnie się rozmijały, Sejm nie mógł liczyć na zmianę w postępowaniu namiestnictwa. Dowodzą tego między innymi wysiłki Sejmu w celu skłonienia administracji rządowej do prowadzenia bardziej liberalnej polityki wobec polskich uchodźców. Tam, gdzie interesy kraju dawały się pogodzić z polityką rządu, oddziaływanie Sejmu na namiestnictwo przynosiło lepsze efekty. Pokazuje to po części współdziałanie organów autonomicznych i rządowych Galicji w takich sprawach, jak szkolnictwo czy służba wojskowa.

The article discusses the issue of relations between non-governmental organizations and representatives of local self-government units (LGUs). The theoretical part presents selected new concepts of territorial self-government management and the project Model of Cooperation which sets out the framework for cooperation between representatives of the social and public sectors. The aim of the article was to present the relationship between representatives of non-governmental organizations and representatives of local authorities in selected communes in the Mazovian voivodeship. The first part of the analysis presents the actual state of cross-sectoral cooperation (based on own research carried out in 2016–2017, on a sample of 9 respondents, using semi-structured interviews techniques). In the thesis there is also discussed the issue of knowledge acquired by the stakeholders of the principles contained in the publication of the Model of Cooperation. The final part presents the barriers that stand in the way of this cooperation. ; W artykule poruszono kwestię relacji organizacji pozarządowych i przedstawicieli jednostek samorządów lokalnych (JST). W części teoretycznej zaprezentowano wybrane nowe koncepcje zarządzania samorządami terytorialnymi oraz założenia projektu pt. Model współpracy, w którym określono ramy współpracy między przedstawicielami sektora społecznego i publicznego. Celem artykułu jest ukazanie, jak wyglądają relacje pomiędzy przedstawicielami organizacji pozarządowych i przedstawicielami władz lokalnych w wybranych gminach wiejskich województwa mazowieckiego. W pierwszej jego części (na podstawie badań własnych zrealizowanych w latach 2016–2017, na próbie 9 respondentów, za pomocą techniki wywiadu częściowo ustrukturyzowanego) przedstawiono faktyczny stan współpracy międzysektorowej. Omówione zostało także zagadnienie znajomości przez zainteresowane podmioty zasad Modelu Współpracy. W końcowej części zaprezentowano bariery stojące na drodze tej współpracy.

The aim of this article is the presentation and the attempt to analyse such phenomena as: an excessive general government deficit and public debt in EU Member States over the past 3 years. For the European Union the years 2008-2010 were the time when public finances of most member countries worsened dramatically. The average budget deficit in the EU increased during that period to a value of almost 7% compared to gross domestic product and public debt reached almost 80% of GDP. Referring the numbers to the principles of the budgetary policy in the Treaty on the European Union (the deficit should not exceed 3% in relation to GDP and public debt – 60% of GDP), the observance of budgetary discipline has been significantly violated. In consequence, the excessive deficit procedure has been initiated. in relation to almost all the countries of the EU, Its purpose was to force the member countries to take concrete actions to stabilize public finances. The economic crisis that began in the second half of 2007 in the United States of America which resulted in a significant deterioration of the finances of all the EU member countries might be regarded as the major source of violation of their budgetary discipline. The reactions of most governments TO the harmful effects caused by the financial crisis were to stimulate national economies and stem the decline of domestic demand. The higher level of public expenditures was simultaneously the cause of increased budget deficits,. To develop and present the problem of an excessive budget deficit and public debt in the EU countries some statistical methods were used and the data source statistics were mainly carried out by the European Commission and the European Statistical Office. ; Celem niniejszego artykułu jest prezentacja i próba analizy zjawisk: nadmiernego deficytu budżetowego i długu publicznego w krajach członkowskich Unii Europejskiej na przestrzeni ostatnich 3 lat. Lata 2008-2010 były dla Unii Europejskiej czasem, w którym stan finansów publicznych większości krajów członkowskich pogorszył się w sposób drastyczny. Średnia deficytu budżetowego w UE wzrosła w tym okresie do wartości prawie 7% w stosunku do wielkości produktu krajowego brutto, a zadłużenie publiczne osiągnęło poziom niemalże 80% PKB. Odnosząc te wielkości do założeń polityki budżetowej zapisanych w Traktacie o Unii Europejskiej (wartość deficytu nie powinna przekraczać 3% w stosunku do PKB, a zadłużenia publicznego 60% PKB), poszanowanie dyscypliny budżetowej zostało w sposób znaczący złamane. W następstwie, w stosunku do prawie wszystkich państw należących do UE, została wszczęta na szczeblu UE procedura nadmiernego deficytu. Jej celem było wymuszenie na krajach członkowskich podjęcia konkretnych działań zmierzających do ustabilizowania stanu finansów publicznych. Kryzys gospodarczy, który narodził się w drugiej połowie 2007 roku w Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki i skutkował znaczącym pogorszeniem stanu finansów wszystkich krajów członkowskich Wspólnot Europejskich można uznać za główne źródło złamania przez nie dyscypliny budżetowej. Reakcje większości rządów na niekorzystne zjawiska finansowe wywołane kryzysem miały na celu próbę pobudzenia gospodarek narodowych oraz zahamowania spadku popytu krajowego. Zwiększony poziom wydatków publicznych przyczynił się jednak równocześnie do wzrostu poziomu deficytów budżetowych. W celu opracowania i zaprezentowania problemu nadmiernego poziomu deficytu budżetowego oraz długu publicznego w państwach UE zostały zastosowane wybrane metody statystyczne, a źródłem danych były przede wszystkim statystyki prowadzone przez Komisję Europejską oraz Europejski Urząd Statystyczny.

The aim of this article is the presentation and the attempt to analyse such phenomena as: an excessive general government deficit and public debt in EU Member States over the past 3 years. For the European Union the years 2008-2010 were the time when public finances of most member countries worsened dramatically. The average budget deficit in the EU increased during that period to a value of almost 7% compared to gross domestic product and public debt reached almost 80% of GDP. Referring the numbers to the principles of the budgetary policy in the Treaty on the European Union (the deficit should not exceed 3% in relation to GDP and public debt – 60% of GDP), the observance of budgetary discipline has been significantly violated. In consequence, the excessive deficit procedure has been initiated. in relation to almost all the countries of the EU, Its purpose was to force the member countries to take concrete actions to stabilize public finances. The economic crisis that began in the second half of 2007 in the United States of America which resulted in a significant deterioration of the finances of all the EU member countries might be regarded as the major source of violation of their budgetary discipline. The reactions of most governments TO the harmful effects caused by the financial crisis were to stimulate national economies and stem the decline of domestic demand. The higher level of public expenditures was simultaneously the cause of increased budget deficits,. To develop and present the problem of an excessive budget deficit and public debt in the EU countries some statistical methods were used and the data source statistics were mainly carried out by the European Commission and the European Statistical Office. ; Celem niniejszego artykułu jest prezentacja i próba analizy zjawisk: nadmiernego deficytu budżetowego i długu publicznego w krajach członkowskich Unii Europejskiej na przestrzeni ostatnich 3 lat. Lata 2008-2010 były dla Unii Europejskiej czasem, w którym stan finansów publicznych większości krajów członkowskich pogorszył się w sposób drastyczny. Średnia deficytu budżetowego w UE wzrosła w tym okresie do wartości prawie 7% w stosunku do wielkości produktu krajowego brutto, a zadłużenie publiczne osiągnęło poziom niemalże 80% PKB. Odnosząc te wielkości do założeń polityki budżetowej zapisanych w Traktacie o Unii Europejskiej (wartość deficytu nie powinna przekraczać 3% w stosunku do PKB, a zadłużenia publicznego 60% PKB), poszanowanie dyscypliny budżetowej zostało w sposób znaczący złamane. W następstwie, w stosunku do prawie wszystkich państw należących do UE, została wszczęta na szczeblu UE procedura nadmiernego deficytu. Jej celem było wymuszenie na krajach członkowskich podjęcia konkretnych działań zmierzających do ustabilizowania stanu finansów publicznych. Kryzys gospodarczy, który narodził się w drugiej połowie 2007 roku w Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki i skutkował znaczącym pogorszeniem stanu finansów wszystkich krajów członkowskich Wspólnot Europejskich można uznać za główne źródło złamania przez nie dyscypliny budżetowej. Reakcje większości rządów na niekorzystne zjawiska finansowe wywołane kryzysem miały na celu próbę pobudzenia gospodarek narodowych oraz zahamowania spadku popytu krajowego. Zwiększony poziom wydatków publicznych przyczynił się jednak równocześnie do wzrostu poziomu deficytów budżetowych. W celu opracowania i zaprezentowania problemu nadmiernego poziomu deficytu budżetowego oraz długu publicznego w państwach UE zostały zastosowane wybrane metody statystyczne, a źródłem danych były przede wszystkim statystyki prowadzone przez Komisję Europejską oraz Europejski Urząd Statystyczny.

Since the beginning of the political transition in Poland an unproductive discussion has been continued concerning the role of economic self-government in the system of local government. The current legal regulations do not provide business chambers with the status of public legal unions. They tend to be based on the facultative nature of the ties between entrepreneurs, which is the main cause of the weakness of the Polish economic self-government, or rather the economic quasi-self-government. The consequential structural and programmatic weakness of entrepreneurs' organisation seems to be the major obstacle in creating an effective system of local governance that could equalise the excessively asymmetric relations between the local government and the representation of entrepreneurs. It is beyond doubt that the lack of such structures in the area of public institutions is the main reason for marginalising them by the government and local authorities, which do not see the need to make any concessions for the diffused economic environment. Given this context, the most rational solution seems to be the creation of a common economic self-government, which will be incorporated into the system of public authorities.

This article comprises a sketch of the most important perspectives on local government. Among other things, it also aims to present the unique nature of government at the mezzo-social level. Here the concepts of political governing are considered as a social relationship and social resource; proposed, too, is the application of the category of the social field in the analysis of local government. Such social fields are characterized by both relations and resources associated with power when viewed from the standpoint of actions and structures. A separate aspect making itself known in the field of political power is its manifestations and influences.

Since the Soviet Union collapsed and Ukraine regained her independence, Ukraine has become an object of interest of the EU's foreign policy. Ukraine has immense economic and social potential, and a significant geopolitical location, particularly from the point of view of EU – Russian relations. Good mutual relations were corroborated by the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. Signed on June 14, 1994, the Agreement provided for the reinforcement of mutual bonds as well as political and economic cooperation. Over its near twenty years of independence, Ukraine has taken part in several EU initiatives. A current issue at the Ukraine– EU summit, held in Kiev in December 2009, concerned the agreement of association to be drawn up that should replace the present Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. On account of a number of issues that the EU continues to have reservations about (the insufficient battle against corruption in Ukraine, the slow pace of economic reforms, and the lack of a uniform standpoint of the Ukrainian President, government and parliament) the signing of this Agreement has been postponed until next year.

POVZETEK Prvi del magistrske naloge zajema razlago ustavnih ureditev treh držav, Združenih držav Amerike, Francije in Slovenije, ter instrumente in institucije, podobne slovenski interpelaciji. Ustavne ureditve so vključene zaradi razumevanja razmerja med parlamentom in vlado, saj to igra ključno vlogo pri sprožitvi procesa interpelacije ter pri postavljanju poslanskih vprašanj. Interpelacija po slovenski ureditvi pomeni formalno vloženo pisno vprašanje skupine deset ali več poslancev z namenom, da bi odstavili bodisi ministra ali vlado. Interpelacija je orodje opozicije, da izpostavi trenutno oblast in jo postavi v položaj, kjer se mora javno zagovarjati. V ta kontekst so postavljeni primeri interpelacije v Sloveniji, ker so primer dejanskega nadzora parlamenta nad delovanjem vlade. Interpelacij se je v naši 26 let stari državi zgodilo kar nekaj, za magistrsko delo smo izbrali obdobje devete vlade Republike Slovenije, ki jo je vodil Borut Pahor. V času od novembra 2008 do februarja 2012 so se zgodile štiri interpelacije, ki so dober primer tega, kako je delovalo določeno ministrstvo v tistem obdobju, kakšen je bil sproten pritisk parlamenta na vlado in stališče opozicije do takratne oblasti. Z najprej opisanim razmerjem med parlamentom in vlado ter s primerjavo z drugimi državami smo pojasnili razmerje v slovenski ureditvi, nato pa s primeri interpelacije prikazali, kako to razmerje deluje v praksi. ; ABSTRACT The first part of the thesis consists of the overview of constitutional orders from three states: United States of America, France and Slovenia with the instruments and institutions similar to Slovenian interpellation. Constitutional orders are included because of the easier understanding of relationship between the Parliament and Government, which is crucial for the initiation of the interpellation process and for asking the parliamentary questions. Under the Slovenian constitution interpellation means a formal written question handed in by a group of ten or more members of the parliament with the intent to remove the minister or the government from its position. Interpellation is the instrument of the opposition, to call the coalition in question. In this context we have included the actual cases of interpellation in Slovenia, because they represent the control of Parliament above the work of Government. In our 26 years old country, there has been a significant number of interpellations, and the selected period is the ninth Government of Republic of Slovenia, which was under a leadership of Borut Pahor. In this precise time, from November 2008 to February 2012, four interpellations were processed, which show a good example of how a specific Ministry worked at the time, and what was the consistent pressure of Parliament on the Government, and the position of opposition towards the leadership at that time. With firstly described correlation between Parliament and Government and with the comparison with other countries, we have explained a relationship in Slovenian constitutional order, and afterwards I have presented how this relationship practically works with the cases of interpellations.

The aim of this paper is to present the theoretical basis of public diplomacy and the characteristics of methods and areas of cross-border cooperation conducted by local governments in Podlaskie Voivodship. Report, in particular, draws attention to the civic and local government dimension of Polish foreign policy. Undertaken analysis was targeted to recognition of existing practices in this area, as well as to identify conclusions and recommendations for further development of decentralized foreign policy.
This report first discusses the basic theoretical concepts related to citizenship and local government cross-border cooperation. Attention was drawn to priorities of Polish decentralized foreign policy and sectoral diversification of cross-border cooperation actors in the Podlaskie Voivodship. Next the existing and planned cross-border cooperation initiatives present in the public programs and strategies of local governments and districts were discussed. Later in the report an attempt to summarize the areas and methods of cooperation were undertaken as well as some main conclusions and recommendations were pointed out.

Since the beginning of the political transition in Poland an unproductive discussion hasbeen continued concerning the role of economic self-government in the system of localgovernment. The current legal regulations do not provide business chambers with thestatus of public legal unions. They tend to be based on the facultative nature of the tiesbetween entrepreneurs, which is the main cause of the weakness of the Polish economicself-government, or rather the economic quasi-self-government. The consequentialstructural and programmatic weakness of entrepreneurs' organisation seems to be themajor obstacle in creating an effective system of local governance that could equalisethe excessively asymmetric relations between the local government and the representation of entrepreneurs. It is beyond doubt that the lack of such structures in the area ofpublic institutions is the main reason for marginalising them by the government andlocal authorities, which do not see the need to make any concessions for the diffusedeconomic environment. Given this context, the most rational solution seems to be thecreation of a common economic self-government, which will be incorporated into thesystem of public authorities. ; W Polsce od początku przemian ustrojowych trwa bezowocna dyskusja dotycząca miejsca samorządu gospodarczego w systemie władzy lokalnej. Obecnie obowiązujące regulacje prawne nie zapewniają izbom gospodarczym pozycji związków publicznoprawnych. Opierają się one na fakultatywnym charakterze więzi łączących przedsiębiorców, co jest główną przyczyną słabego rozwoju rodzimego samorządu gospodarczego, a właściwie quasi samorządu gospodarczego. Wynikająca z tego słabość strukturalna i programowa organizacji przedsiębiorców wydaje się być główną przeszkodą na drodze do stworzenia efektywnego systemu zarządzania lokalnego, który mógłby zniwelować zbyt asymetryczne obecnie relacje pomiędzy samorządem terytorialnym i reprezentacją przedsiębiorców. Bez wątpienia brak tego typu struktur w sferze instytucji publicznych jest głównym powodem ich marginalizowania przez władze rządowe i samorządowe, które nie widzą potrzeby czynienia jakichkolwiek koncesji na rzecz rozproszonego środowiska gospodarczego. W tym kontekście najbardziej racjonalnym rozwiązaniem wydaje się być utworzeniepowszechnego samorządu gospodarczego, który zostanie włączony do systemu władzpublicznych.