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A discussion of the impact of international migration on international relations considers how state actions shape population movements; what causes population movements to result in cooperation or conflicts; & how governments respond to population flows. It is suggested that the response of a state to international migration often affects that state's relations with other countries; a state's exit/entry rules affect international migration; & international migrants often become a political force in their country of destination. The concept of sovereignty as it relates to neoclassical economic ideas is explored to help shed light on how states influence international migration. The most common types of entry/exit rules are described to illustrate how they influence the magnitude, composition, & directionality of international migration, as well as relations between states. Consideration is also given to the political impact of international migrants on migration policies & how notions of sovereignty are being transformed under the new global realities. J. Lindroth

A discussion of the impact of international migration on international relations considers how state actions shape population movements; what causes population movements to result in cooperation or conflicts; & how governments respond to population flows. It is suggested that the response of a state to international migration often affects that state's relations with other countries; a state's exit/entry rules affect international migration; & international migrants often become a political force in their country of destination. The concept of sovereignty as it relates to neoclassical economic ideas is explored to help shed light on how states influence international migration. The most common types of entry/exit rules are described to illustrate how they influence the magnitude, composition, & directionality of international migration, as well as relations between states. Consideration is also given to the political impact of international migrants on migration policies & how notions of sovereignty are being transformed under the new global realities. J. Lindroth

Introduces a set of essays demonstrating familial behavior as a counterpart or byproduct of states, contributing to the construction of a comparative framework for the analysis of state development & thought on the relationships among state formation, political movements, social policy, & families, collectively referred to here as familialism. The notion of maternalism is discussed, noting that, from a feminist perspective, it has played a key role in the development of Western welfare states. Meanings of maternalism & the maternalist woman are scrutinized. Contributors demonstrate that state intervention into family life did not always or even primarily involve mothers, expanding the maternalist paradigm in three ways: (1) encompassing multiple state forms beyond the Western welfare state; (2) revealing how state regulation redefines familial roles & responsibilities other than those of the mother; & (3) explaining consequent reorganizations in various family structures not limited to nuclear families. In this light, conceptualizing familialism as a discursive & ideological frame delivered more in terms of implications than expected. Various meanings of this construct are explored before the contributions are summarized. J. Zendejas

Introduces a set of essays demonstrating familial behavior as a counterpart or byproduct of states, contributing to the construction of a comparative framework for the analysis of state development & thought on the relationships among state formation, political movements, social policy, & families, collectively referred to here as familialism. The notion of maternalism is discussed, noting that, from a feminist perspective, it has played a key role in the development of Western welfare states. Meanings of maternalism & the maternalist woman are scrutinized. Contributors demonstrate that state intervention into family life did not always or even primarily involve mothers, expanding the maternalist paradigm in three ways: (1) encompassing multiple state forms beyond the Western welfare state; (2) revealing how state regulation redefines familial roles & responsibilities other than those of the mother; & (3) explaining consequent reorganizations in various family structures not limited to nuclear families. In this light, conceptualizing familialism as a discursive & ideological frame delivered more in terms of implications than expected. Various meanings of this construct are explored before the contributions are summarized. J. Zendejas

The article examines the nature of official accountability, with emphasis on the political environment of the UK. At present, the majority party in the Commons & town halls are at risk of being voted out of office. Measures should be taken to promote a more democratic system of government in GB. The author discusses accountability at four levels: (1) the roles of insiders (politically active citizens) vs outsiders, (2) the customer relations concept as applied to government, (3) the relationship between accountability & the decision making process, & (4) the right of formal review of official decisions. The author calls for an alliance between a new citizenship culture & the lobby for parliamentary reform. J. R. Callahan

The effects of Brazilian federalism on the process of economic reform are analyzed in the context of the interactions & balance of power between the president & the governors, Congress, & others protecting state interests. Federalism indicators alone -- the resource base of subnational governments, the power of governors, the national Congress' degree of emphasis on subnational interests, & the distribution of government functions across levels -- would give Brazilian state actors leverage over presidents, which was the case in three presidential policy initiatives between 1985-1994 -- state debt containment, state bank control, & fiscal allocation adjustments between the national & subnational governments. This situation was reversed during President Fernando Henrique Cardoso's 1995-2002 regime because of factors specific to his administration, eg, the President's skill in achieving reform, the degree of Congressional backing for the President, & presidential performance. It is concluded that the study of federalism's effects on policy cannot be reduced to institutional issues, but have to include complementary variables. 4 Tables, 81 References. M. Pflum

Investigates the content & form of the triangular institutional relationship between local government, nation-state, & European Union (EU) institutions as the economy has moved from Fordist to post-Fordist forms of production & work organization. Particular attention is paid to issues of work organization & employment. It is argued that the restructuring of the production process & the organization of work has meant the creation of more active labor policies that regulate the labor market to meet the demands of capital accumulation. Further, discussions with the EU about these processes have been ideologically biased toward market-oriented solutions. Specifically, the principal of subsidiarity that has arisen in these discussions is described as primarily concerned with decentralizing & privatizing social costs of innovation & structural competitiveness at the expense of weakened democratic forms at the local-regional level. Thus, it is asserted that issues of employment & work organization at the EU level will ultimately be decided by positions of power & concerns of expediency, rather than local-regional forms of democratic decision making. 46 References. D. M. Smith

A discussion of the gains/failures of the democratization process in Guatemala focuses on decentralization, local government, & citizen participation. The policies of three presidencies are evaluated in terms of their impact on the decentralization process & the quality of service delivery. Problems not yet addressed are said to include the scarcity of citizen representation in the municipios & villages, weak representation at the departmental level, & a complete lack of citizen participation at the regional & national levels. The need to develop support systems for the municipal system is discussed, noting there is no framework for training personnel or providing long-term technical or financial assistance. Special attention is given to the link between governability & an effective model of the budget criteria for transfer payments. It is concluded that steps must be taken to extend decentralization to the regional & local levels, & future policies should focus on responding to the needs of the population & making the delivery of services more effective. 1 Table, 34 References. J. Lindroth

A longitudinal analysis of government participation in the British steel industry reveals the difficulties involved in public learning during the decline in the 1970s & 1980s, as witnessed by massive financial, economic, & employment problems. A relatively stable political structure absorbed the difficulties. In the 1990s, privatization brought greater financial success, but, paradoxically, a breakdown of public governance. After privatization, the steel community disintegrated, as it was no longer considered a "special case" & was framed in a commercial & market-led manner. Despite the profitability of British Steel (BS), a problematic & adversarial relationship between industry & government was established. Programmatic failure with governance success was followed by programmatic success & governance failure, giving the steel industry in GB a distinctive character. L. A. Hoffman

The objectives of the principal actors responsible for the preservation of status quo Chinese-Taiwanese relations & the likelihood that status quo relations will persevere are investigated. It is contended that developments in the conception of Taiwanese identity & national political culture have prompted the Taiwanese government to drop its early 1990s support of a "one China" policy & increasingly advocate sovereignty for Taiwan. After addressing the Chinese state's military-oriented strategy to preventing Taiwanese independence, the extent of bilateral economic integration & the ramifications of this growing economic dependence for both the Chinese & Taiwanese governments are contemplated. Attention is then turned toward exploring the US's role in cross-Taiwan Strait relations & the international community's response to the one China policy. The potential effects of these respective determinants upon maintaining status quo cross-strait relations are subsequently considered; for example, it is predicted that Chinese-Taiwanese economic integration will positively affect bilateral political relations & that the US will continue to promote a one China policy barring military action from the Chinese state. References. J. W. Parker

An earlier version of this paper, titled "Japan's China Policy: Implications for US-Japan Relations," appeared in the Nov 1998 issue of Asian Survey, 38(11): 1067-85. Sino-Japanese relations began to deteriorate in 1995 & are still tense, even with a warming of ties between the US (Japan's ally) & the People's Republic of China. The US & Japan both hold deep-seated mutual suspicion of China, but both want to cultivate friendly relations with Beijing, albeit using different strategies. Japan wants to engage China in an interdependent & government-supported relationship that constrains Chinese behavior, while the US has taken a laissez faire approach & relies on private-sector activity. A rise in Chinese power or economic activity would present a broader challenge for Japan than the US, so its policy responses to China are more comprehensive & diverse. They include trade & investment promotion, energy, environmental issues, & defense. Because the US & Japanese strategies differ, Sino-US relationship changes affect Japanese comfort with their China policy & with US-Japan relations. The implications of change in the current dynamics, unlikely to hold for long, on bilateral relations among the three countries are discussed. M. Pflum

"The correlation of relations between Central and Eastern Europe, the European Union, and the United States (CEE-EU-US), seem to confirm that in general, policies appear to be more effective if internationally coordinated and encompass wider participation. This is because domestic politics and international relations are often inextricably entangled. However, the existing practice of CEE-EU-US relations has not yet adequately strengthened this tendency. Instead, it rather enhances a self-destructive form of global politics. This lack of cooperation, failure to be inclusive, hypocrisy, imperial aspiration, misuse of democracy, imposing one's will and domination on other entities, all seem to be possible outcomes of the current negative correlation. Negotiations, which occur under these circumstances, do not effectively address the following issues. These concern the role of domestic preferences and coalitions, domestic political institutions and practices, strategies and tactics of negotiations, all of which cultivate uncertainty across regions. The result is the domestic reverberation of international pressures, and embedded one-sided interests of the chief negotiators - which represent hegemony of the primary power. This tendency of imperial domination applies to many other political phenomena of various entities as well. These include dependency, legislative committees, and multiparty coalitions, including the creation of vassal or weak governments, of which the CEE itself is an excellent example." (author's abstract)

The few studies that have focused on the development of policies & programs intended to further integration of immigrants into host societies have started under the assumption that such policies are the result of top-down initiatives by the elite in reaction to immediate crisis situations. This chapter investigates local political processes in Paris, Berlin, & Zurich, cities with substantial post WWII immigration but different institutions & political actors, in an effort to understand how the presence of migrants became a political issue, who placed the issue of integration on the political agenda, & what form the policies took. In addition, the impact of national integration models on the local levels is also analyzed. It is doubtful that governments at the local level are any more receptive to immigrants than at the national level. In spite of very different political constellations, the three cities were remarkably similar in their policy making logic, & in general the tendency was to externalize the problem & thwart more inclusive policies, although there is nonetheless an increasing tendency to regard migrant residents as members of the city community. 82 References. L. Kehl