Examines reform to decentralized governments in GB & in Eastern/Central Europe -- different types of economic & political systems at different levels of development -- with the observation that the political model has greater power than the managerial reform model to capture pertinent issues regarding central & local government relations. In GB, New Public Management (NPM) has impacted decentralized levels of local & regional government, & has sometimes been seen as a weapon against local government power, function, & jurisdiction, in direction opposition to the decentralizing principle of NPM theory. In Eastern Europe, managerial reform is subordinated to the current issues of constitutional reform, postcommunist development of regional & local government authority, & the development of structures of political leadership. Communist officials who have retained power exert bureaucratic & political resistance to managerial reform. Since NPM reforms must be adapted to the political context of its operation, external aid donors would accomplish more by supporting probity & accountability before promoting market-oriented management reform. 43 References. L. A. Hoffman
"Sino-Vatican diplomatic relation was established in 1924 but was formally cut in 1951 with the expulsion of the Papal Nuncio Archbishop Riberi from China (Chen/Jiang 2003, 162-276). With Mao Zedong's emphasis an dass struggle and his intolerance toward ideological issues, religious idealism in China, including Catholicism, had to give way to the dialectical materialism of Marxist-Leninism and Maoist thought. Also Vatican represented a dass which Mao aimed to get rid of. Only after Deng Xiaoping initiated the modernization policy in 1978 and China began to merge from its isolation was there a possibility for a dialogue, with the view of establishing a Sino-Vatican Concordat. In the context of Vatican's Ostpolitik with Communist states, in 1981, Cardinal Casaroli, then Secretary of the State of the Vatican, made the first overture to China, aiming at normalizing the relationl. China frowned upon the Vatican's unilateral appointment of Bishop Dominic Deng Yiming in 1982, a released prisoner of conscience after 22-years imprisonment as the Archbishop of Guangzhou. By Beijing's order, contact had been temporaries suspended for a short while as retaliation. However, informal contact between the Vatican and China was resumed shortly thereafter, and progress was made. In November 1987, Zhao Ziyang, then Secretary General of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), met Cardinal Jaime Sin of Manila in Beijing and they agreed to have their aides-de-camp threshing out more details to initiate formal Sino-Vatican negotiation. The meeting gave hope for heralding a new dawn in the Sino-Vatican rapprochement. Twenty years have passed (1987-2007). Since then, it seems the sun has set on the prospects for further dialogue, and that no rapprochement can be imagined for the near future. The change in the political landscape in the international arena and within China added new factors to the SinoVatican negotiation, including the Hong Kong issue. When old problems of appointing bishops have not been resolved, two new requests from Beijing add difficulties to the complexity of the negotiation. These are 1) the transference of the ecclesiastical power of administration to the civil authority in local dioceses and 2) demanding the Vatican to validate appointed bishops. Above all, the tensed Catholic-government relations in Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) is among other factors which caused international attention and it should prompt Beijing and the Vatican to reconsider serious about the dormant negotiation. This article aims at discussing 1) the role played by Hong Kong in the Sino-Vatican relations vis-ä-vis in the revival of the Chinese Catholic Church, and 2) the conflicting Catholic and government relations in Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. The research Eindings reflect on Hong Kong's political participation as viewed from the perspectives from China and the Vatican might throw some light on the Hong Kong Factor in the Sino-Vatican negotiation." (author's abstract)
The utility of the notion of multi-level governance for International Relations studies is explored. An overview of the concepts of "good governance" & multi-level governance is presented. In addition, a comparison of conventional understandings of government & governance is performed, demonstrating an ambiguous relationship between the two notions; specifically, it is stated that in certain circumstances, governance opposes the distribution of authority enacted by state governments. Therefore, the distribution of authority within five international contexts -- international civic norms, international civil society, supranational organizations, the international system, & transnational threats -- is studied to determine the extent of insight provided by the adoption of a multi-level governance perspective to examining international relations. Several conclusions are reached, eg, particular supranational organizations exhibit hierarchical systems characteristic of central states, & recommendations for future research are offered. J. W. Parker
"In Japanese families, the extramarital relation is increasingly gaining prominence over the traditional parent-son stem relation as the fulcrum in many households. Patriarchy is being structurally transformed in domestic life where social changes are gradually re-shaping the family ideal in terms of care provision for older parents. At the root of this lies a change in the power balance in relations between the young and the elderly, where changes in household structures are witnessing a marked shift in which older people are increasingly maintaining couple-only households, with a recent sharp decline in the traditional multi-generational living arrangement. Consequently, older people have to rely increasingly on their own means to take care of each other's needs. This placed an increased strain on older women, in particular on those who have to take care of disabled partners. These women are traditionally subjugated by power dynamics whereas the older Japanese male maintains the dominant daikokubashira (head of household) status. Trying to ease the burden, the Long Term Care Insurance (LTCI) scheme was introduced by the Japanese Government in 2000. However, the elderly couples participating in my study have shown a reluctance to ask for this kind of help. Instead they are mostly relying on their own means and are deterred from invoking external care through a number of complex factors correlating to socio-economic issues, pragmatism, social Stigma, and gendered norms." (author's abstract)
A discussion of the impact of international migration on international relations considers how state actions shape population movements; what causes population movements to result in cooperation or conflicts; & how governments respond to population flows. It is suggested that the response of a state to international migration often affects that state's relations with other countries; a state's exit/entry rules affect international migration; & international migrants often become a political force in their country of destination. The concept of sovereignty as it relates to neoclassical economic ideas is explored to help shed light on how states influence international migration. The most common types of entry/exit rules are described to illustrate how they influence the magnitude, composition, & directionality of international migration, as well as relations between states. Consideration is also given to the political impact of international migrants on migration policies & how notions of sovereignty are being transformed under the new global realities. J. Lindroth
A discussion of the impact of international migration on international relations considers how state actions shape population movements; what causes population movements to result in cooperation or conflicts; & how governments respond to population flows. It is suggested that the response of a state to international migration often affects that state's relations with other countries; a state's exit/entry rules affect international migration; & international migrants often become a political force in their country of destination. The concept of sovereignty as it relates to neoclassical economic ideas is explored to help shed light on how states influence international migration. The most common types of entry/exit rules are described to illustrate how they influence the magnitude, composition, & directionality of international migration, as well as relations between states. Consideration is also given to the political impact of international migrants on migration policies & how notions of sovereignty are being transformed under the new global realities. J. Lindroth
Introduces a set of essays demonstrating familial behavior as a counterpart or byproduct of states, contributing to the construction of a comparative framework for the analysis of state development & thought on the relationships among state formation, political movements, social policy, & families, collectively referred to here as familialism. The notion of maternalism is discussed, noting that, from a feminist perspective, it has played a key role in the development of Western welfare states. Meanings of maternalism & the maternalist woman are scrutinized. Contributors demonstrate that state intervention into family life did not always or even primarily involve mothers, expanding the maternalist paradigm in three ways: (1) encompassing multiple state forms beyond the Western welfare state; (2) revealing how state regulation redefines familial roles & responsibilities other than those of the mother; & (3) explaining consequent reorganizations in various family structures not limited to nuclear families. In this light, conceptualizing familialism as a discursive & ideological frame delivered more in terms of implications than expected. Various meanings of this construct are explored before the contributions are summarized. J. Zendejas
Introduces a set of essays demonstrating familial behavior as a counterpart or byproduct of states, contributing to the construction of a comparative framework for the analysis of state development & thought on the relationships among state formation, political movements, social policy, & families, collectively referred to here as familialism. The notion of maternalism is discussed, noting that, from a feminist perspective, it has played a key role in the development of Western welfare states. Meanings of maternalism & the maternalist woman are scrutinized. Contributors demonstrate that state intervention into family life did not always or even primarily involve mothers, expanding the maternalist paradigm in three ways: (1) encompassing multiple state forms beyond the Western welfare state; (2) revealing how state regulation redefines familial roles & responsibilities other than those of the mother; & (3) explaining consequent reorganizations in various family structures not limited to nuclear families. In this light, conceptualizing familialism as a discursive & ideological frame delivered more in terms of implications than expected. Various meanings of this construct are explored before the contributions are summarized. J. Zendejas
The article examines the nature of official accountability, with emphasis on the political environment of the UK. At present, the majority party in the Commons & town halls are at risk of being voted out of office. Measures should be taken to promote a more democratic system of government in GB. The author discusses accountability at four levels: (1) the roles of insiders (politically active citizens) vs outsiders, (2) the customer relations concept as applied to government, (3) the relationship between accountability & the decision making process, & (4) the right of formal review of official decisions. The author calls for an alliance between a new citizenship culture & the lobby for parliamentary reform. J. R. Callahan
The effects of Brazilian federalism on the process of economic reform are analyzed in the context of the interactions & balance of power between the president & the governors, Congress, & others protecting state interests. Federalism indicators alone -- the resource base of subnational governments, the power of governors, the national Congress' degree of emphasis on subnational interests, & the distribution of government functions across levels -- would give Brazilian state actors leverage over presidents, which was the case in three presidential policy initiatives between 1985-1994 -- state debt containment, state bank control, & fiscal allocation adjustments between the national & subnational governments. This situation was reversed during President Fernando Henrique Cardoso's 1995-2002 regime because of factors specific to his administration, eg, the President's skill in achieving reform, the degree of Congressional backing for the President, & presidential performance. It is concluded that the study of federalism's effects on policy cannot be reduced to institutional issues, but have to include complementary variables. 4 Tables, 81 References. M. Pflum
Investigates the content & form of the triangular institutional relationship between local government, nation-state, & European Union (EU) institutions as the economy has moved from Fordist to post-Fordist forms of production & work organization. Particular attention is paid to issues of work organization & employment. It is argued that the restructuring of the production process & the organization of work has meant the creation of more active labor policies that regulate the labor market to meet the demands of capital accumulation. Further, discussions with the EU about these processes have been ideologically biased toward market-oriented solutions. Specifically, the principal of subsidiarity that has arisen in these discussions is described as primarily concerned with decentralizing & privatizing social costs of innovation & structural competitiveness at the expense of weakened democratic forms at the local-regional level. Thus, it is asserted that issues of employment & work organization at the EU level will ultimately be decided by positions of power & concerns of expediency, rather than local-regional forms of democratic decision making. 46 References. D. M. Smith
A discussion of the gains/failures of the democratization process in Guatemala focuses on decentralization, local government, & citizen participation. The policies of three presidencies are evaluated in terms of their impact on the decentralization process & the quality of service delivery. Problems not yet addressed are said to include the scarcity of citizen representation in the municipios & villages, weak representation at the departmental level, & a complete lack of citizen participation at the regional & national levels. The need to develop support systems for the municipal system is discussed, noting there is no framework for training personnel or providing long-term technical or financial assistance. Special attention is given to the link between governability & an effective model of the budget criteria for transfer payments. It is concluded that steps must be taken to extend decentralization to the regional & local levels, & future policies should focus on responding to the needs of the population & making the delivery of services more effective. 1 Table, 34 References. J. Lindroth
A longitudinal analysis of government participation in the British steel industry reveals the difficulties involved in public learning during the decline in the 1970s & 1980s, as witnessed by massive financial, economic, & employment problems. A relatively stable political structure absorbed the difficulties. In the 1990s, privatization brought greater financial success, but, paradoxically, a breakdown of public governance. After privatization, the steel community disintegrated, as it was no longer considered a "special case" & was framed in a commercial & market-led manner. Despite the profitability of British Steel (BS), a problematic & adversarial relationship between industry & government was established. Programmatic failure with governance success was followed by programmatic success & governance failure, giving the steel industry in GB a distinctive character. L. A. Hoffman
The objectives of the principal actors responsible for the preservation of status quo Chinese-Taiwanese relations & the likelihood that status quo relations will persevere are investigated. It is contended that developments in the conception of Taiwanese identity & national political culture have prompted the Taiwanese government to drop its early 1990s support of a "one China" policy & increasingly advocate sovereignty for Taiwan. After addressing the Chinese state's military-oriented strategy to preventing Taiwanese independence, the extent of bilateral economic integration & the ramifications of this growing economic dependence for both the Chinese & Taiwanese governments are contemplated. Attention is then turned toward exploring the US's role in cross-Taiwan Strait relations & the international community's response to the one China policy. The potential effects of these respective determinants upon maintaining status quo cross-strait relations are subsequently considered; for example, it is predicted that Chinese-Taiwanese economic integration will positively affect bilateral political relations & that the US will continue to promote a one China policy barring military action from the Chinese state. References. J. W. Parker
An earlier version of this paper, titled "Japan's China Policy: Implications for US-Japan Relations," appeared in the Nov 1998 issue of Asian Survey, 38(11): 1067-85. Sino-Japanese relations began to deteriorate in 1995 & are still tense, even with a warming of ties between the US (Japan's ally) & the People's Republic of China. The US & Japan both hold deep-seated mutual suspicion of China, but both want to cultivate friendly relations with Beijing, albeit using different strategies. Japan wants to engage China in an interdependent & government-supported relationship that constrains Chinese behavior, while the US has taken a laissez faire approach & relies on private-sector activity. A rise in Chinese power or economic activity would present a broader challenge for Japan than the US, so its policy responses to China are more comprehensive & diverse. They include trade & investment promotion, energy, environmental issues, & defense. Because the US & Japanese strategies differ, Sino-US relationship changes affect Japanese comfort with their China policy & with US-Japan relations. The implications of change in the current dynamics, unlikely to hold for long, on bilateral relations among the three countries are discussed. M. Pflum
