The paper attempts to stress the concept of immanence, as it has been developed by Deleuze and Guattari through Spinoza, in order to provide a critique of the so called platform capitalism. The digital dimension of economy and politics in fact represents a sort of a counter-attack versus Deleuze and Guattari's philosophical perspective of emancipation and the goal of the paper becomes to re-activate such a perspective by reading the works of two important contemporary scholars: Frédréric Lordon and Antoinette Rouvroy. While Lordon represents a powerful way to reactivate Spinoza's immanence in order to provide a new affirmative politics, Rouvroy shows to what degree contemporary capitalism, through its «algorithmic governmentality», is short-circuiting some of the concept developed by the French Theory (from Simondon's transinvidual to Deleuze and Guattari's rhizome and plan of immanence). With the help of these authors and of Benjiamin Bratton, the paper finally shows Immanence's symptoms of weakness in front of such a capitalism, and it attempts to recharge or reload the very immanence taking care of "ingenium", conceived as the fundamental concept of a new micropolitics.
The purpose of this essay is to analyze the scientific literature that has argued about the presence of possible relationships and similarities between Gramsci and Foucault. In particular, I will focus on the notions of hegemony, power, governmentality, ideology, discourse.Keywords: Hegemony; Governmentality; Power; Ideology; Discourse.
The purpose of this essay is to analyze the scientific literature that has argued about the presence of possible relationships and similarities between Gramsci and Foucault. In particular, I will focus on the notions of hegemony, power, governmentality, ideology, discourse.
This article suggests that the de facto "presidentialization" of parliamentary democracies represents a growing challenge to the party government model. Taking the classic case of the UK as an example, we can see that party government is being steadily undermined as the long-term conditions on which it has been sustained have altered to the benefit of increasingly powerful & autonomous individual leaders. The evidence reveals ways in which candidate-centered electoral processes, changes in intra-party patterns of power, & the growing structural power of prime ministers within the executive branch have combined to enhance the independence of leaders from their parties. 72 References. Adapted from the source document.
La ricerca origina da un peculiare interesse circa i rapporti di potere nelle società presenti. Sotto questo profilo l'analisi ha prioritariamente indagato la trattazione di concetti correlati a questo tema per come esposti nella filosofia critica di Foucault, per poi affrontare il lavoro genealogico del filosofo, fino alla sua elaborazione di categorie politiche, con al centro la nozione di governamentalità. La parte conclusiva della ricerca tratta in modo specifico gli studies in governmentality, vale a dire il lavoro di quegli autori che si sono serviti dell'opera di Foucault per indagare le dinamiche di potere nelle società contemporanee.
Le tattiche dell'accerchiamento (The tactics of encircling) are those mechanisms through which a social conflict is criminalized. The term is borrowed from Michel Foucault's concept of stratégie du pour tour, a process conducted by different agencies of control that consists of generating fear and constructing exemplar cases on the base of a commune dispositive: the defense of society. The work detects the micro-tactics of this strategy through an analysis of media discourse and an ethnography of the two major penal process against the opposition to the Turin-Lyon high-speed railway project (No Tav Movement). The main argument is that these tactics of encircling reveal a Positivistic legacy and a blend of that with the principle of the Reason of State. The counter-conducts to these tactics of encircling have been performed by the No Tav movement during the last 12 years to reaching the point of a resistance not only to a train but to an overall neoliberal governmentality, in which law mimes the market, is applied by a judicial field that functions as the manager of security and protection, and treats the population through an attempt of separating the good and the bad population.
The ecological question can be assumed as one of the discourses where the systemic mutation between the juridical-political subject of liberalism, and the subject of interest of neoliberalism have matured. Starting with the transformations of the security sphere, and the shift of Sovereign/Governmentality nexus, I analyze human security and human resilience paradigms, highlighting the contiguity between ecological and political lexicon. I deal with concepts of risk, agency, and scarcity and, in conclusion, I propose a reading of Arendt's dimension of dwelling. The concept of World as a dwelling place opens a space, both on the political and the practical side, which could face the complexity of ecological system not through an adaptation strategy, as it is in the resilience perspective, but through the inter-subjective and political dimension of human beings.
Between the late Seventeenth and early Eighteenth century, in France, something decisive takes place within the texts that deal with the vexed question of the commerce des grains. This fundamental event, that would revolutionize economic thought, is the publication, in 1707, of Pierre Le Pesant de Boisguilbert's Traité de la nature, culture, commerce intérêt et des grains. Boisguilbert's arguments were aimed at supporting the "liberalization" of the commerce des grains. This event, in addition to revolutionizing the grid of constituted knowledge around the economy, would help to open the way for a new form of governmentality. This article describes this event through a comparison with another text published in France in those years, the Traité de la Police by Nicolas Delamare to show how, starting with Boisguilbert, economic thought was transformed into a completely different form of rationality, anticipating what soon would be called "physiocracy".
Le rivolte urbane che si sono verificate nelle periferie francesi negli ultimi anni hanno prodotto un ampio dibattito e posto diversi problemi sulla natura dei nuovi spazi periferici delle città europee. Il saggio propone una riflessione sui processi di formazione delle banlieues, presentando il caso lionese, in cui la riqualificazione urbana è stata considerata un'esigenza costante e le nuove aree hanno occupato gli spazi delle vecchie periferie operaie. Le nuove aree della città si sono caratterizzate come spazi di esclusione urbana in cui si raccoglie la popolazione che ha maggiori difficoltà di integrazione. La violenza urbana è stata trasformata, nell'arco di un trentennio, in un'emergenza permanente e ha ricoperto un ruolo centrale nella formazione delle nuove identità, in un processo di opposizione tra governamentalità e subalternità. L'esclusione è dunque anche un principio di dominio di uno spazio conflittuale che viene controllato in modo capillare.The urban riots that occurred in the French suburbs in recent years have raised the question on the nature of the new peripheral spaces in European cities. The paper proposes a reflection on formation's processes of the banlieues in the urban area of Lyon, in which urban renewal was considered a constant need. The new suburbs are characterized as spaces of exclusion. Urban violence has been ransformed, in the last years, in the linchpin of emergency policies and has played a central role in the formation of new identities in a process of opposition between governmentality and subordination. The exclusion is thus the principle of domination of an area of conflict that is controlled in a widespread manner.
The spatial turn in contemporary juridical thought. An introductionThis article highlight the plurality of contemporary thought movements that helped bring out, even within the legal culture, the so-called spatial turn. It is provided under interdisciplinary between law & geography and emerges strongly in the last twenty years, first in the United States and Canada and then more recently in Europe. The contribution of Lefebvre and Foucault were eminent even within juridical spatial turn. They mark a turn for the emancipation of category space from its subordination to time and reveal the ambiguity of the use of space which can subscribe fully between the instruments of domination and governmentality but also represents a material or immaterial re-appropriation tool for individual or collective subject. It will be from the 80s, through the iconoclasm of Critical Legal Studies, that the relationship between space and the right re-surfaces with force in parallel with an evidence of indeterminacy and ambiguity of the law. Since then, several works basedon an interdisciplinary approach are published and, more recently, the field of the so-called Critical Legal Geography – a real project of interdisciplinary studies – has been developed.Le tournant spatial dans la pansée juridique contemporaine. Une introductionCette contribution mets en évidence la pluralité des mouvements de la penséecontemporaine qui ont contribue à l'émergence, au sein même de la culture juridique, du spatial turn. Cette tournante est directement lié à 'interdisciplinarité entre le droit et la géographie et a émerge fortement dans les vingt dernières années, d'abord aux États-Unis et au Canada, puis, plus récemment, en Europe. Les analyse de Lefebvre et de Foucault restent centrales mémé pour le tournant spatial dans la légal theory. Ils déterminent un point de non-retour pour l'émancipation de l'espace de sa subordination au temps et au même temps révèlent l'ambiguïté de l'utilisation de l'espace qui peut s'inscrire pleinement parmi les instruments de la domination et de la gouvernamentalité, mais il peut représenter, aussi, outil de réappropriation symbolique et matérielle pour le sujet individuel et collectif. La relation étroite entre l'espace et le droit ré-émergera dans les années '80, grâce à la puissance iconoclaste de Critical Legal Studies et en parallèle avec la progressive mise en évidence de l'ambiguïté du droit. Depuis de nombreux travaux interdisciplinaires sont publiés et, plus récemment, le domaine de la Critical Legal Geography, véritable projet d'études interdisciplinaires portant sur les interaction entre droit et espace, a été ouvert.
Il presente lavoro "Osservabilità del senso ed etnosemiotica per la città: uno studio a partire da Bologna" ha l'obiettivo di restituire i risultati dell'indagine svolta attraverso la ricerca sul terreno, di matrice etno-antropologica, e attraverso l'analisi semiotica. La tesi di articola in tre capitoli: • nel primo capitolo, si circoscrive la città in quanto come oggetto delle scienze umane e sociali (urbanistica, architettura, antropologia urbana, sociologia); in questo capitolo si coniugano le proposte della semiotica urbana con alcune indicazioni di metodo provenienti dalla prospettiva genealogica foucaultiana. L'obiettivo è quello di circoscrivere e definire il tema di ricerca: l'effetto di senso – e gli effetti – della governamentalità. Al termine del capitolo il tema della governamentalità viene contestualizzato entro la dimensione materiale di indagine, la città di Bologna; • nel secondo capitolo si delineano ricchezze e problematicità della metodologia prescelta per l'indagine, l'etnosemiotica. Il capitolo parte da alcune problematicità e ha come obiettivo quello di aprire a una riflessione rivolta alla disamina dei modelli etno-antropologici di ricerca sul terreno. Nel corso del capitolo si individuano alcune proposte metodologiche di ricerca sul terreno (etnografia multi-situata ed etnografia relazionale), le modalità di restituzione delle procedure etnosemiotiche di ricerca sul campo, unitamente a una riflessione sul concetto di testualizzazione; • nel terzo capitolo vengono affrontati cinque casi di studio, attraverso cui poter mettere a fuoco le trasformazioni valoriali riguardanti i modelli di governamentalità che la città di Bologna manifesta. La tesi si compone di prospetti grafici di riassunto, tavole di immagini e una mappatura online esplorabile, disponibile all'indirizzo http://bit.ly/donatiello-etnosemiotica-bologna. ; "Observability of the meaning and ethnosemiotics for the city: a study from Bologna" aims to give back the results of ethno-anthropological field research based on a semiotics theory and its analytical model. The dissertation is divided into three chapters: • the first chapter presents the city as object of humanities and social sciences (city planning, architecture, urban anthropology, sociology); the aim of this chapter is to combine urban semiotics with some methodological indications provided by Foucault's genealogy. The goal is to define the research topic: the meaning effect - and effects - of governmentality. At the end of the chapter the research topic is contextualized within the material dimension of investigation, the city of Bologna; • the second chapter outlines ethnosemiotics' pros and issues. The aim of this chapter is to discuss some ethno-anthropological field research models. The chapter focuses on some methodological field research models (multi-situated ethnography, relational ethnography). The goal is to define ethnosemiotics operational procedures for field research; • the third chapters discusses five case studies and focuses in semiotical values and transformations concerning the governamentality models in Bologna. The dissertation is composed by graphic boards, images boards and an interactive map, available at http://bit.ly/donatiello-etnosemiotica-bologna.
The main aim of this thesis is to investigate the experiences that can be traced to the notion of "withholding" (or trattenimento according to the Italian more precise way to literally describe this phenomenon). By this term I refer to those physical spaces of social inclusion and exclusion within which existences are held without an apparent (at least at the beginning) normative justification. I consider these situations inherently anomic but surprisingly recurring in our century and the latter part of the previous one. The coercive restraintment in well-defined spaces, brought by the breach of a rule of criminal law, defines a new status of existence, that of "withheld" (or trattenuti). The reality of this (relatively) new form of life has been the main subject of my research as direct product of the obsession for securitization. Withholding is presented to the researcher as a sort of permanent state of exception.The heterogeneity of the places of withholding of existences has been studied from the point of view of the geographical location. From this analysis I have been able to underline the global nature of the phenomenon and, thanks to the concrete forms of execution, to legitimize the image of continuity with the experience of the internment camps, mentioned above. For the withholding process, in some cases, a whole geographical space is directly used: islands, archipelagos and enclaves. Other times it uses urban structures: I am referring to ghettos (from the Parisian suburbs, or banlieux, to the ghetto of Shanghai) and even to boundary walls. Walls and borders carry an inherent exclusion, but sometimes their meaning is much more profound. The story of the Berliner Mauer is, from this point of view, absolutely paradigmatic. Behind the justification of action and preventive safety, the lives and rights are deleted. Even the name periodically returns with the strength of the model and example, although negative. It is the "wall of shame", the wall of Tijuana that separates Mexico from the United States, the wall that separates the Western Sahara territories Moroccan domination from those of Arab domination, the separation wall between Israel and the West Bank. In other cases withholding takes place in constructed and ad hoc delimited situations: like centers of temporary stay and assistance (CPTA), today CIE following the intervention of the EU law; the safety devices terrorism in national and international transport (waiting rooms in airports and train stations); the "red zones" at the summits of heads of state and government of the world (not least the Genoese one in 2001). We can observe, together with Foucault, the mutation of the police apparatus in a system of "governmentality". But places of withholding are not just a European experience. I'm thinking about the internment camps in Libya or Palestinian occupied territories. They have now really assumed the form of an anonymous "archipelago – gulag" of segregation and detention. Especially after the second Intifada, the territories seem to have taken almost spontaneously the structure of the internment camp, while the freedom of movement of Palestinians fades, the principle of detention seems to appear with ever greater clarity. We are really confronted with the genesis of a biopolitics of progressive isolation of the Palestinian territories; the confinement of a people in a dimension of functional enclave of control. A state of emergency becomes a form of government. Looking to withheld existences, the common feature seems to be the rejection of normalization of difference. We are dealing with lives or threatening, social pathologies that power must identify and separate. The referent is mainly represented by minorities (ethnic-racial, linguistic, religious, political) deserving, if not elimination, of some concealment. Screw deviant, but also, and especially meaningful in the sense that has been indicated above, anomic as stolen from the ordinary processes of criminalization with the intervention of the criminal law. It is a "sacred" existence in a process of reflection that starts with Jean Marie Guyau, passes through Emile Durkheim, and finally comes to Giorgio Agamben. Withheld's lives are worthless, according to Hannah Arendt' "exemplary human being reduced to the most elementary reactions, the model citizen of a totalitarian state, a city that can be produced only imperfectly outside the camp." A distinction, however, seems possible and reasonable, in light of the observations made so far. According to Bauman withheld can be divided in outsiders and insiders. The first earn their subjection to detention just because they come from another jurisdiction which makes them extra-national (stateless) or, more generally, foreigners; while on the other side we look at that surplus of native humanity who, unable to be violently amputee, should be at least hidden or fenced, building spaces of anti-city in cities. The last part of my research is dedicated to an ethnographic study of these dimensions, a qualitative research carried out in many centers of detention and "reception". Empathy has been one of the most important instruments in the interviews in order to understand. to verstehen, in a weberian way and approach, the existences and spaces between criminal and non criminal Law. Ethnography is always the writing of difference, but with the aim to make closer words that seem to be only apparently far from each other (especially in terms of understanding).
