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In the wake of Foucault, most analyses of the neoliberal style of governmentality focus on holding the individual accountable, as the preferred new approach to the transfer of what have traditionally been State responsibilities to (certain) individuals A a process fostered by neoliberal policies. The foregoing article looks at some of the techniques used to produce "individual responsibility", then attempts to come up with a counter-argument by focusing on the "flaw" on which this "sophism" is built in order for it to work A or at least to be appealing enough to forestall criticism. The trick is in the disarming confusion between the fostering of individual moral responsibility A in the sense of the ability to act, i.e. to act responsibly, which most people desire and hope for, and the moralizing individualization of responsibility for one's own material wellbeing failing which, one risks being called irresponsible. Our elucidation is intended to save the left wing from being deprived of the rich resources of empowerment processes. Adapted from the source document.

This article examines Carl Schmitt's critique of universal ethics made in his indictment of the discourse of humanity and addressed as a political concern of world order. It extends this critique further to include the ways in which the discourse of humanity transforms itself in the era of global governmentality. This kind of interrogation requires an almost 'anti-ethical' awareness that universal ethics fuels political discourses and practices that instantiate a political, indeed a biopolitical, universe. Schmitt's discussion offers, it is argued, two iconographies of enmity, significant for mapping the contemporary world order. Together with Foucault, Schmitt helps articulate a notion of world-political obligation which is both for the other and for the openness of the political as a pluriverse. Adapted from the source document.

Though still unpublished, Michel Foucault's lectures at the College de France in 1980 were a milestone in his oeuvre. For one thing, they represent the culmination of his work on "governmentality." For another, they map out the genealogy of the politics of psychology. By tracing the evolution of the nexus between avowal & obedience at the dawn of the Common Era, the 1980 lectures show that trying to discover & articulate one's own hidden truth involves submitting to a form of dependence. They thereby reveal the political ramifications of psychology. Using transcriptions of the complete lecture series, the foregoing article retraces the path that led Foucault to affirm that articulating a truth about oneself represents "one of the first forms of our obedience.". Adapted from the source document.

An examination of the career of several members of three neighborhood associations in Casablanca and the manner in which they themselves describe their actions reveals the intricacies of the associative space and political sphere in Morocco. By virtue of a mirror effect, the frontiers between these two universes are the object of continuous struggle. Associative action is sometimes constructed independently and sometimes in connection with "politics". It is thus drawn upon as a substitute for political participation, a tribune for marginalized actors or a local-level springboard and can lead to renegotiation of relations with the political realm. By virtue of the very existence of points of junction between associative, partisan, electoral, labor union and protest scenes, associational action exposes those involved to several types of participation. It endows them with practical and cognitive competencies, is an incentive for them to interact with various agencies of governmentality and encourages a circular reconversion of resources and know-how. Associational action may also give rise to a taste for "politics" and electoral competition or that encourage its participants to become aware of their responsibilities. From one situation to the next, it is the object of a range of definitions, involvements and (micro) strategies that are as vast as they are variable, both diachronically and synchronically. Adapted from the source document.

This article criticizes Foucault's lectures on neoliberalism in the light of the recent financial crisis In opposition to what Foucault seems to say, liberalism has never been opposed to State strategies: on the contrary, liberalism is only one possible modality of subjectivation for 'State capitalism'. The hegemony of the entrepreneurial model does not destroy the State but fashions it in accordance with its own goals. Nevertheless, Foucault's work remains precious in order to highlight a new configuration of the relationships between sovereignty and governmentality, pointing towards a post-democratic authoritarian governmentality. Adapted from the source document.

At once a scientific question and political problem, climate change has given rise to a complex system of arenas, institutions, experts and varied actors. They are all engaged in a process of world governance in the aim of finding solutions. That being the case, how is one to explain the fact that this process has achieved so little in the way of reducing greenhouse gas emissions? In order to answer this question, I focus on the manner in which the framing of the climate problem has been conceived, understood and embodied in negotiations. I review several of its characteristic elements: the pollution paradigm, globalization, the top-down strategy of 'burden sharing', market and compensation mechanisms, the specific interactions between science and politics, which entail various models of expertise and give rise to contradictory expectations, and, finally, the theme of adaptation, which has come to occupy an increasingly important place on the UN's governance agenda for reasons relating to reconfigurations of the geopolitics of climate. The failure of the Copenhagen Conference (2009), which was presented as a decisive moment for dealing with climate issues at a planetary level, challenges this framing, and calls for a rethinking of the order of governmentality of the climate problem. To that end, I put forward a few proposals and suggestions for future study. Adapted from the source document.

On the basis of the case of a specific public device, the feed-in tariffs supporting photovoltaic energy, this paper analyzes a reverse movement that goes from solution to problem. First, it highlights how this device which proved providential in Germany has turned into a public problem in the French context, up to the point of becoming a matter of public controversy. Second, beyond the study of the construction of public problems, it shows that this controversy makes visible the modes of problematization that lay hidden beneath such a policy answer, in which the state just has to promote the right conditions for the creation and development of markets. Thus the corresponding governmentality of both energy and climate raises two core questions related to the emergence of a figure of the citizen subsumed under the consumer, and to the resulting uncertainty regarding the collectives that are targeted by public policies. Adapted from the source document.

This article focuses on Foucault's analysis in The Birth of Biopolitics of the neoliberal concept of homo oeconomicus, which is no more defined (as it was the case in classical liberalism) as an atom of intangible freedom, but becomes on the contrary a manageable and 'eminently governable' man, whose economic behaviour can be modified through an action on his environment. Thus, according to Foucault, the neoliberal governmentality is characterized by the necessary coexistence of an autonomy of the markets and massive strategies of intervention (implying the imposition of modes of subjectivation through the adjustment of an 'environment') on the social field. Adapted from the source document.

The role of violent entrepreneurs in the making of Russian capitalism is well documented yet, its evolution during the 2000s is far less known. Though a trend towards the legalization of conflicts has been observed since the late 1990s, does this mean that violence is less or no longer used? This paper deals with the way law and force are used and articulated when solving economic conflicts, by focusing on the execution of decisions by commercial courts during the late 2000s. The analysis of the work of bailiff in Yekaterinburg shows that they collaborate with private firms staffed with former law-enforcement agents. Known as debt-collection agencies, these private firms contribute to the development of new forms of governmentality in Russia, in the shadow of governmental efforts to build a 'power vertical'. Adapted from the source document.