This office building occupies an approximately 4,000 m2 site, situated at the Westminster Bridge, opposite the Houses of Parliament and the County Hall. The design is an irregular hexagon which takes full advantage of the site area. II comprises one basement, one main floor and five office Floors, the latter ones being terraced. On each storey a services and Communications nucleus has been installed and on either side of this nucleus the offices are located. On the top floor there is a roof garden with a magnificent view. About 4 m below street level is the basement with the archives and the pedestrian subway. From the central courtyard of the Country Hall direct access has been provided to the new building via a bridge link. This office building has a staff of about 1,500 people. The structure is of reinforced concrete with columns situated in such a way that provision has been made for constructing a future underpass. The bridge consists of four beams which at one end rest upon the new building and at the other on roller bearings. The outside surface is covered with prefabricated siliceous basalt panels, placed in continuous perimetral bands alternating with the aluminium framed Windows. The building is provided with the most modern systems for air-conditioning, lighting and safety. Moreover, the furniture has been especially designed to differentiate the various spaces from each other or to relate them to each other. ; Este edificio de oficinas se levanta sobre un solar de más de 4.000 m2, junto al puente de Westminster, en la orilla opuesta a la que ocupa el Parlamento y muy próximo al Ayuntamiento. Es una construcción de forma hexagonal irregular, que ocupa totalmente el solar. Consta de una planta baja principal y cinco de oficinas, estando las cuatro últimas retranqueadas progresivamente. Cada planta posee un núcleo central de servicios y comunicaciones, y dos áreas de oficinas situadas a ambos lados. En el último nivel hay una terraza ajardinada desde la cual se disfruta de magníficas vistas. A unos 4 m ...
En este artículo se hace un análisis de la comunicación gubernamental en Gran Bretaña y México a partir de tres procesos: la lógica de la comunicación gubernamental, la operación de las tareas de comunicación y el funcionamiento de la estructura de la oficina de comunicación. Lo que se pretende es dar respuesta a esta pregunta: ¿las estrategias de comunicación gubernamental que se desarrollaron en Gran Bretaña y México a partir de la década de los ochenta han logrado cumplir de manera eficaz con los objetivos de persuasión y rendición de cuentas que le son propios en las democracias contemporáneas? El análisis comparado de Gran Bretaña y México muestra cómo en dos sistemas políticos tan diferentes se pueden encontrar similitudes que obedecen a la tendencia a una mayor profesionalización y a una estandarización en el desempeño de las tareas persuasiva e informativa de la comunicación gubernamental. La comparación permite además observar qué políticas de comunicación han resultado eficaces al aplicarse a los contextos específicos de cada país. En los dos países analizados, la transformación gradual de las oficinas —que por años obedeció más a una lógica informativa— cedió paso a un cambio drástico en la concepción de la comunicación hacia finales del siglo XX. Como resultado de este hecho, la manera de presentar y comunicar las políticas a los medios se convirtió en algo aún más importante que el alcance económico y social de las mismas. ; In this article I present a comparative analysis of governmental communication in Great Britain and Mexico, considering three processes: the logic of governmental communication, the management of communication tasks and the structure and dynamics of the communication office. With this, I seek to answer the following question: have government communication strategies developed in Britain and Mexico since the eighties successfully performed the persuasion and accountability functions that contemporary democracy requires from them? The comparative analysis shows that in two political systems that are so different as those of Great Britain and Mexico one can find similarities that are due to the trend towards greater professionalization and the standardization of the persuasive and informative tasks of governmental communication. The comparison also indicates which communication policies have been effective when applied to the specific contexts of each country. In the two cases, the gradual transformation of the offices —which for years followed a more informative logic— was replaced by a dramatic change in the definition of communication at the end of the XX century. As a result, the way in which policies are presented and communicated to the media became even more important than their economic and social content.
Birth plays a meaningful role within the civil law Area. Their (legal, documentary, registry, etc) features differ from one culture to another, this is even reinforced when countries from different legal systems (common law versus civil law ones) are compared. Due to this reason, the purpose of this research, by means of a contrastive approach of the relevant legislation and the documents attached thereto, is to search for both diverging and concurrent features of this relevant legal act within the legal systems mentioned above. Therefore, the present paper introduces the results of the contrast of this legal act in United Kingdom (common law) and Spain (civil law). Correspondingly, both divergent and convergent issues thereof will be hereby showed. ; Dentro del Área Civil, el Nacimiento representa un acto de importancia significativa. Sus rasgos (jurídicos, documentales, registrales, etc.) difieren de una cultura a otra y más aún cuando se trata de contrastar entre países procedentes de diversos sistemas de derecho (common law versus civil law). Por esta razón, mediante un enfoque eminentemente contrastivo de la legislación vigente y documentos ligados a la misma, el objetivo de la presente investigación será abordar los rasgos divergentes y convergentes de este importante acto jurídico dentro de los dos sistemas de derecho antedichos. Así, en el presente introducimos los resultados de la comparativa de este acto en Reino Unido (common law) y en España (civil law). En ellos mostraremos tanto los puntos en común como los aspectos más diversos del acto antedicho.
Un acabado conocimiento del proceso de toma de decisiones y de los actores que intervienen en la formulación de la política exterior, resulta indispensable para cualquier intento de relación con un país. Este es el objetivo principal del presente trabajo, el de analizar los factores que intervienen en la formulación de la política exterior de la Argentina hacia Gran Bretaña y a su vez mostrar los posibles canales de entrada al sistema de decisiones. El proceso de toma de decisiones en política exterior Argentina hacia el Reino Unido requiere del estudio de dos actores principales: el ejecutivo y el legislativo. El trabajo a su vez intenta hacer una breve referencia a cómo los dos últimos presidentes organizaron su sistema de trazado de políticas hacia Gran Bretaña. ; It is essential to have a definite knowledge of the actors involved in the formulation of foreign policies in order to approach any useful relationship with another country successfully. This is the main purpose of this work, i.e. to analize the elements involved in the planning process of Argentine foreign policy towards Great Britain as well as to show possible inputs directed to the decision-making system. Within the scope of foreign policy, the decision-making process towards the United Kingdom requires, at least, the study of two main actors: Executive and Legislative powers. The work intends to make brief reference to the last two Argentine Presidents and their foreign policy formulation schemes towards Great Britain. ; Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales (IRI)
SUMMARY This paper addresses the issue of the urban obsolescence of public space of social housing neighbourhoods built during the post-war period in Great Britain. Great Britain has been chosen because of the active role played by modern architects in the construction of the welfare state advocated by post-war governments, which involved building large areas of social housing. The aims of this paper are to understand the context in which these neighbourhoods were built as well as their evolution and the complexity of their obsolescence. To achieve these objectives, it first looks at the causes that prompted the slum clearance process, at its implementation during the post-war reconstruction and at the effects that this process has had on contemporary cities. Secondly, it is illustrated through a detailed analysis of a case study, Loughborough Estate in Brixton, London, looking at the initial conditions of the council estate when it was built, investigating its evolution over the past five decades and factors that may have contributed to the obsolescence of its public space and to its social problems. The paper concludes with a warning that a generalist critique of modern architecture does not solve the problems of such neighbourhoods, but a substantial intervention on the public space is needed to bring them to life. These interventions should focus on the spatial configuration of public space and its design and maintenance.RESUMEN Este artículo aborda la cuestión de la obsolescencia urbana del espacio público en las barriadas de viviendas sociales construidas durante el periodo de post-guerra en Gran Bretaña. Se ha escogido el caso de Gran Bretaña debido al papel tan activo que tuvieron los arquitectos del movimiento moderno en la construcción del estado del bienestar, por la que abogaron los gobiernos de post-guerra y la cual implicó la construcción de una gran cantidad de viviendas. Los objetivos de este artículo son comprender el contexto en el que se construyeron estas barriadas así como su evolución y la complejidad de su obsolescencia. Para alcanzar estos objetivos, primero se examinan las causas que dieron lugar al proceso de demolición de infraviviendas, su ejecución durante la reconstrucción de post-guerra y los efectos que este proceso ha tenido en las ciudades contemporáneas. En segundo lugar, esto se ilustra con un análisis detallado de un caso de estudio: Loughborough Estate en Brixton, Londres. Se examinan cuáles eran las condiciones iniciales de la barriada social y se investiga su evolución durante las cinco últimas décadas y los posibles factores que han contribuido a la obsolescencia del espacio público y a sus problemas sociales. El artículo concluye advirtiendo que una crítica generalista a la arquitectura moderna no resuelve los problemas de estas barriadas, sino que es necesaria una intervención sustancial en el espacio público para fomentar la vida urbana. Estas intervenciones deben actuar sobre la configuración espacial del espacio público y sobre su diseño y mantenimient
This dissertation attends to the study of football hooligans' subcultures. In particular, it addresses a general synthesis of the beginnings of casual culture in Great Britain, within the context of the cultural transition process of the 1980s, and within a political, social and cultural context greatly influenced by the new Conservative government of Margaret Thatcher. It makes a chronological review of the stylistic evolution and the attitudes of the casuals, based on the concept one-upmanship, facing the different realities that happened in approximately a decade. From the birth of the punk movement in the late seventies to the emergence of rave and club cultures at the end of the following decade. It also includes the element of violence in football, both inside and outside the stadiums, through several events that exemplify the level of violence achieved in those years. Throughout the text it tries to record the relevance of the study of youth expressions and activities for a better understanding of wider historical and cultural processes. ; Este trabajo versa sobre el estudio de las subculturas de hooligans de fútbol. Concretamente, aborda una síntesis general sobre los inicios de la cultura casual en Gran Bretaña, en el marco del proceso de transición cultural que supuso la década de los ochenta, y dentro de un contexto político, social y cultural tremendamente influenciado por el nuevo gobierno conservador de Margaret Thatcher. Realiza un repaso cronológico de la evolución estilística y de las actitudes de los casuals, basadas en el concepto one-upmanship, ante las diferentes realidades que se sucedieron en aproximadamente una década. Desde la aparición del movimiento punk a finales de los años setenta, hasta la emergencia de las culturas rave y club a finales de la década siguiente. Incluye también el elemento de violencia en el fútbol, tanto dentro como fuera de los estadios, a través de varios sucesos que ejemplifican el nivel de violencia alcanzado en esos años. Durante todo el texto intenta dejarse constancia de la relevancia del estudio de expresiones y actividades juveniles para una mejor comprensión de procesos históricos y culturales más amplios.
The article looks into the features of Russo-British relations in the period from 2012 to 2018 during the third presidential term of Vladimir Putin. During this period, they went through several stages in their development from a period of alienation to almost direct confrontation. The authors reviewed the key events in the period under study in bilateral relations. The factors that played a leading role in the formation of relations at the present stage are also highlighted. The analysis of the position of the two States on various events, including Brexit, was conducted. The research is based on historical-descriptive and intuitive-logical methods. The analysis of the position of the two States on various events was conducted. The results obtained correspond to the conclusions of a number of researchers and expand the existing understanding of the nature of Russia's bilateral relations with leading Western Powers in the second decade of the XXI century.
Resumen: A finales de 1779, Adam Smith envió una serie de cartas a diferentes personalidades del gobierno británico respecto a una posible apertura del comercio de Inglaterra con Irlanda. En estas epístolas, Smith se manifestó claramente a favor de la apertura comercial, a la que consideraba positiva tanto para Inglaterra como para Irlanda, y presentó una serie de argumentaciones que buscaban probar estos beneficios. Una lectura de estas cartas muestra que en ellas el escocés desarrolló ideas y casos que luego reformuló y publicó como adiciones al momento de dar a conocer la tercera edición de La Riqueza de las Naciones. El presente trabajo consiste en una traducción de dos de esos textos, hasta donde se ha podido comprobar, la primera al habla castellana. Junto con la traducción se presenta una introducción de las mismas, en orden a una mejor comprensión de su contexto y sentido. Con ello, se pretende dar a conocer aspectos que quizás todavía permanecen poco explorados del pensamiento de Adam Smith. ; Abstract: At the end of 1779, Adam Smith sent a series of letters to different personalities of the British government regarding a possible change of regulations that would allow free trade between Ireland and England. In these epistles, Smith was clearly in favour of free trade, which he considered that would be positive for both England and Ireland, and presented a series of arguments that sought to prove these benefits. A reading of these letters shows that in them the Scotsman developed ideas and examples that he later reformulated and published as additions at the time of releasing the third edition of The Wealth of Nations. The present work consists of a translation of two of these texts, as far as it has been possible to verify, the first into Spanish. Along with the translation, an introduction to them is presented in order to better understand their context and meaning. With this, it is intended to make known aspects of Adam Smith's ideas that perhaps still remain unexplored.
At the end of 1779, Adam Smith sent a series of letters to different personalities of the British government regarding a possible change of regulations that would allow free trade between Ireland and England. In these epistles, Smith was clearly in favour of free trade, which he considered that would be positive for both England and Ireland, and presented a series of arguments that sought to prove these benefits. A reading of these letters shows that in them the Scotsman developed ideas and examples that he later reformulated and published as additions at the time of releasing the third edition of The Wealth of Nations. The present work consists of a translation of two of these texts, as far as it has been possible to verify, the first into Spanish. Along with the translation, an introduction to them is presented in order to better understand their context and meaning. With this, it is intended to make known aspects of Adam Smith's ideas that perhaps still remain unexplored. ; A finales de 1779, Adam Smith envió una serie de cartas a diferentes personalidades del gobierno británico respecto a una posible apertura del comercio de Inglaterra con Irlanda. En estas epístolas, Smith se manifestó claramente a favor de la apertura comercial, a la que consideraba positiva tanto para Inglaterra como para Irlanda, y presentó una serie de argumentaciones que buscaban probar estos beneficios. Una lectura de estas cartas muestra que en ellas el escocés desarrolló ideas y casos que luego reformuló y publicó como adiciones al momento de dar a conocer la tercera edición de La Riqueza de las Naciones. El presente trabajo consiste en una traducción de dos de esos textos, hasta donde se ha podido comprobar, la primera al habla castellana. Junto con la traducción se presenta una introducción de las mismas, en orden a una mejor comprensión de su contexto y sentido. Con ello, se pretende dar a conocer aspectos que quizás todavía permanecen poco explorados del pensamiento de Adam Smith.
ABSTRACT: The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland's adhesion to the European Treaties through the European Communities Act 1972 has led to the fall of the principle of sovereignty of Parliament, the main pillar of the British constitutional system, as it gives European institutions the right to lay down legal rules with the same binding force as an Act of Parliament and thereby recognizes Community law's precedence. This has also brought about a radical change in the sources of since, though common law was hitherto its main source, the United Kingdom, from its accession to the European Community onwards, has been forced to enact much more legislation and written law has thus become, as in the continent, an original source of law. As a result there has been a full transformation of the traditional system of free diffuse jurisdiction and formal application of the law. British courts of justice have had to accept the principle of Community law's supremacy and with it the overruling interpretation authority of the European Court of Justice, and have therefore been compelled to look for other interpretation criteria. A chronological study of British case-law, which its fluctuations resulting from the Luxemburg Court's own case-law, enables us to see how the courts in the United Kingdom have consistently moved from literal interpretation to a finalistic of teleological one, alongside with the theory of fiction and of concurring interpretation, with all the problems arising from it. There are those who have interpreted this development in a negative way, which will in the end lead to the loss of the United Kingdom's marks of identity. Others on the contrary find it positive, to the extent that British courts, not being bound by a single (written) fundamental law, will be able to invoke the whole series of English constitutional instruments, and will not be tied down any more to a closed set of laws (corpus iuris) with a hierarchically preeminent rank in the whole legal system. ; RESUMEN: La adhesión del Reino unido de la Gran Bretaña e Irlanda del Norte a los Tratados comunitarios, mediante la Ley de las Comunidades Europeas de 1972, ha llevado a la ruptura del principio de la soberanía del Parlamento, pilar de la arquitectura del sistema constitucional británico, al concederse a las instituciones europeas la posibilidad de dictar normas con el mismo valor jurídico que la ley del Parlamento y dar primacía al Derecho Comunitario. Lo que a su vez, ha supuesto un cambio radical en las fuentes del Derecho británico, pues, si bien hasta esa fecha era el common Law, la mayor fuente del Derecho británico, tras la integración en la CEE el Reino Unido se ha visto abocado a legislar mucho más, y la Ley se ha convertido, como en el continente, en una fuente primaria del derecho. Consecuencia de lo anterior, el sistema de jurisdicción difusa y de aplicación formal de la Ley se ha trasformado. Los tribunales ingleses han tenido que aceptar el principio de supremacía del Derecho comunitario, y por tanto, la preminente autoridad interpretativa del Tribunal de Justicia, lo que les ha obligado a buscar otros parámetros interpretativos. Un estudio cronológico de la jurisprudencia británica, cambiante en función de la jurisprudencia del Tribunal de Luxemburgo permite ver cómo los tribunales británicos han pasado de la interpretación literal a la finalista o teleológica, acompañada de la teoría de la ficción y de la interpretación conforme, con los problemas que ello ha suscitado. Esto se ha entendido por algunos de forma negativa, pues a la larga supondrá la pérdida de las señas de identidad del Reino Unido. Mientras que para otros es positivo, pues sus tribunales al no verse constreñidos por una sola Norma Fundamental (escrita) pueden invocar toda la serie de instrumentos constitucionales sin verse atados a un cuerpo de derecho que ocupe una posición jerárquicamente superior dentro del ordenamiento jurídico. ABSTRACT: The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland's adhesion to the European Treaties through the European Communities Act 1972 has led to the fall of the principle of sovereignty of Parliament, the main pillar of the British constitutional system, as it gives European institutions the right to lay down legal rules with the same binding force as an Act of Parliament and thereby recognizes Community law's precedence. This has also brought about a radical change in the sources of since, though common law was hitherto its main source, the United Kingdom, from its accession to the European Community onwards, has been forced to enact much more legislation and written law has thus become, as in the continent, an original source of law. As a result there has been a full transformation of the traditional system of free diffuse jurisdiction and formal application of the law. British courts of justice have had to accept the principle of Community law's supremacy and with it the overruling interpretation authority of the European Court of Justice, and have therefore been compelled to look for other interpretation criteria. A chronological study of British case-law, which its fluctuations resulting from the Luxemburg Court's own case-law, enables us to see how the courts in the United Kingdom have consistently moved from literal interpretation to a finalistic of teleological one, alongside with the theory of fiction and of concurring interpretation, with all the problems arising from it. There are those who have interpreted this development in a negative way, which will in the end lead to the loss of the United Kingdom's marks of identity. Others on the contrary find it positive, to the extent that British courts, not being bound by a single (written) fundamental law, will be able to invoke the whole series of English constitutional instruments, and will not be tied down any more to a closed set of laws (corpus iuris) with a hierarchically preeminent rank in the whole legal system.
This article analyzes the public declarations and the biographical sketches of Francisco Franco elaborated in Great Britain and United States of America at the moment of his death. This article pays special attention to the game of mirrors between countries and the resignification of memories about the dictator in those days. It does so by linking the published about Franco with several levels: the political and intellectual context of Great Britain and United States, the stereotypes about Spain, the myths built by the dictatorship and the historiographical production about the subject. The newspapers analyzed are, from Great Britain, The Times and The Sunday Times, The Daily Telegraph, Daily Mail and The Guardian and, from United States, The New York Times, Wall Street Journal, Los Angeles Times, Chicago Tribune and The Washington Post. ; Este artículo analiza las declaraciones públicas y las semblanzas de Francisco Franco que se elaboraron a su muerte en Gran Bretaña y Estados Unidos. Presta especial atención al juego de espejos entre países y a la resignificación esos días de los recuerdos acerca del dictador. Lo hace relacionando lo publicado con varios niveles: el contexto político e intelectual de ambos países, los estereotipos anglosajones sobre España, los mitos construidos por la dictadura y la producción historiográfica al respecto. Los periódicos analizados son los británicos The Times y The Sunday Times, The Daily Telegraph, Daily Mail y The Guardian y los estadounidenses The New York Times, Wall Street Journal, Los Angeles Times, Chicago Tribune y The Washington Post.
During 1605 and 1625, in the years of the peace between the Spanish Monarchy and Great Britain under James I Stuart, there were several combats off the coasts and ports of Great Britain between Spanish galleons and Dutch ships. These combats always provoked diplomatic issues and disputes at the English Court among the Spanish and Dutch ambassadors. That showed the English government reluctance to comply with the treaty of 1604 with Spain, which settled the assistance of Spanish ships at British coasts and ports. Both of them were seeking the English support on their side on the occasion of these naval combats. As far as the situation of the officials and crew of these Spanish galleons, they suffered the hatred of the local protestant population, who supported the Dutch for religious, political and also economical reasons. Only a few dared to help these galleons on the British soil. ; Entre los años 1605 y 1625, durante la paz entre la Monarquía Hispánica y la Gran Bretaña de Jacobo Estuardo, se produjeron diferentes incidentes y enfrentamientos navales en las costas y puertos británicos entre galeones hispánicos y holandeses. Ello ocasionó siempre incidentes diplomáticos porque tanto los embajadores españoles como los holandeses presionaron a las autoridades inglesas, neutrales, para inclinarse o no en la ayuda a alguno de ambos contendientes. Ello dejaba en evidencia la falta de colaboración de la Corona inglesa en el cumplimiento de las cláusulas del tratado de paz de 1604 que la obligaban a ello ante la Monarquía. Por su parte, los soldados y tripulaciones hispánicas de esos navíos sufrieron todo tipo de penurias en un país nominalmente neutral, pero de hecho anti-español y pro-holandés por causas religiosas, políticas y económicas. Muy pocos, aparte de la propia embajada, se aventuraron a socorrer a estos hombres.
In 1739 while British and Spanish diplomats tried to avoid a war, both nations prepared the infrastructure to arm their respective Navies. The mobilization of the Spanish resources for war was very much hampered by the bankruptcy of March that same year. While for Britain the victualling of the fleet was a challenge, for Spain the need to ensure the supply of food conditioned the political and financial decisions and increased the contractors privileges as well as the dependency for their services of the crown. ; En 1739, al mismo tiempo que los representantes diplomáticos de Gran Bretaña y España negociaban para evitar una guerra, ambas naciones pusieron en marcha sus respectivas maquinarias de guerra. la movilización de recursos en España se vio muy condicionada por la quiebra financiera decretada en marzo de ese mismo año. Afrontar el avituallamiento de las escuadras fue un reto para Inglaterra, mientras que para España la necesidad de garantizar el aprovisionamiento condicionó las decisiones políticas y financieras y consolidó la posición de fuerza y los privilegios del asentista de víveres de la Armada a medida que aumentó la dependencia de la corona de sus servicios.