Suchergebnisse

Following the 2004 expansion of the European Union (EU), Polish migrant workers began arriving in the United Kingdom on an unprecedented scale. Londoners (Londyńczycy, 2008-9) was a response to this. Exploring the lives of Polish migrants in London, the series became an instant success on Polish television, regularly attracting around four million viewers. This article explores how Londoners represents Britishness and Polishness to its target Polish audience. It will argue that the series negotiates questions of Polish national identity, which over the past 20 years has been undergoing fundamental redefinition as a result of the ending of the Cold War and Poland's accession to the EU. ; 'Great Britain, Great Expectations': The Representation of Polish Migration to Great Britain in Londyńczycy/LondonersFollowing the 2004 expansion of the European Union (EU), Polish migrant workers began arriving in the United Kingdom on an unprecedented scale. Londoners (Londyńczycy, 2008-9) was a response to this. Exploring the lives of Polish migrants in London, the series became an instant success on Polish television, regularly attracting around four million viewers. This article explores how Londoners represents Britishness and Polishness to its target Polish audience. It will argue that the series negotiates questions of Polish national identity, which over the past 20 years has been undergoing fundamental redefinition as a result of the ending of the Cold War and Poland's accession to the EU.

The aim of this article is to look at the political reality of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the perspective of borderlands understood as a result of political action, an area in which they are expressed, but at the same time are the driving force of these processes. Identities of borderlands play a significant role in shaping political reality in the UK. Their diversity, the strength of their interests' articulation, participation in political rivalry, although it was not the only factor, have determined the current political system of the state to a large extent. At the same time the impact of political transformations on changes in the identities is noticeable. More and more of them, in addition to their own national/regional identification, also indicates the relationship with the United Kingdom as a whole, which suggests that devolution rather strengthens the state, than leads towards disintegration, although such a risk exists in reality. ; Celem artykułu jest spojrzenie na rzeczywistość polityczną Zjednoczonego Królestwa Wielkiej Brytanii i Irlandii Północnej z perspektywy pogranicza. Jest ono rezultatem działań politycznych, obszarem, w którym znajdują one swój wyraz, ale i na zasadzie sprzężenia zwrotnego są siłą napędową tych procesów. Tożsamości pogranicza w Wielkiej Brytanii odgrywają znaczącą rolę w kształtowaniu rzeczywistości politycznej. Ich zróżnicowanie, siła artykulacji interesów, uczestnictwo w rywalizacji politycznej, w dużej mierze, choć nie był to czynnik jedyny, przesądziły o obecnym kształcie ustrojowym państwa. Jednocześnie zauważalny jest, subtelny na razie, wpływ przeobrażeń ustrojowych na zmiany tożsamości. Coraz więcej mieszkańców, obok identyfikacji narodowej /regionalnej, wskazuje także na związki z Wielką Brytanią jako całością, co świadczy o tym, że Zjednoczone Królestwo, dzieląc się władzą raczej umacnia państwo niż prowadzi je ku rozpadowi, choć takie ryzyko przy dewolucji w brytyjskich warunkach istnieje.

Lausanne Peace Treaty did not solve contradictions between Great Britain and Turkey. Political relations between those two countries remained strained. The Kemalists could not forget that London had been the main supporter of Greece during the Liberation War (Kurtuluş Savaşı). On the other hand, the British thought Turkey to be a seasonal state and were alarmed when Kemalists had established a close link with the Soviet Russia. However, the most serious problem was a dispute over the possession of the vilayet of Mosul. The territory of Mosul was held by Turkey until the First World War. In 1918 it was occupied by Britain. In 1920 it was assigned to Iraq, which had become a British mandate. However Kemalists refused to relinquish their claims to the territory of Mosul, which was specified in the National Pact (Misakı Millı) as Turkish one. For that reason the question of Mosul remained in a state of deadlock, even after the Lausanne Treaty had been signed. Bilateral negotiations between Great Britain and Turkey did not solve the problem, and the matter was referred to the League of Nations. In December 1925 the Council of the League of Nations decided that the vilayet of Mosul was an integraf part of Iraq. Finally the dispute over that territory ended in June 1926, when the border treaty between Iraq and Turkey was signed. However the case of Mosul cast a shadow over relations between Angora and London at least until 1929.

Lausanne Peace Treaty did not solve contradictions between Great Britain and Turkey. Political relations between those two countries remained strained. The Kemalists could not forget that London had been the main supporter of Greece during the Liberation War (Kurtuluş Savaşı). On the other hand, the British thought Turkey to be a seasonal state and were alarmed when Kemalists had established a close link with the Soviet Russia. However, the most serious problem was a dispute over the possession of the vilayet of Mosul. The territory of Mosul was held by Turkey until the First World War. In 1918 it was occupied by Britain. In 1920 it was assigned to Iraq, which had become a British mandate. However Kemalists refused to relinquish their claims to the territory of Mosul, which was specified in the National Pact (Misakı Millı) as Turkish one. For that reason the question of Mosul remained in a state of deadlock, even after the Lausanne Treaty had been signed. Bilateral negotiations between Great Britain and Turkey did not solve the problem, and the matter was referred to the League of Nations. In December 1925 the Council of the League of Nations decided that the vilayet of Mosul was an integraf part of Iraq. Finally the dispute over that territory ended in June 1926, when the border treaty between Iraq and Turkey was signed. However the case of Mosul cast a shadow over relations between Angora and London at least until 1929.

What we are witnessing now, not only in Great Britain, is that citizens are less and less interested in participation in politics. We see a crisis of representative democracy. One of the means used to fight those negative trends is the use of Information and Communication Technology. It not only enables citizens to gain a wide access to public information but also empowers them to take part in decision making. The article was written with the aim to analyze the political agenda of successive British governments pertaining to the use of the Internet in building more effective local government communication channels in English local authorities. The analyses of documents and secondary sources were conducted. Special attention was devoted to the introduction and development of electronic petition systems on the local level, as e-petitions are one of the most popular e-democracy mechanisms in Great Britain. Their use has also been laid down in law.

The subject of my interest is to analyze the most important conditions and dependencies regarding the attitude of the Russian Federation towards Brexit in the political, economic and military dimension. The main purpose of these considerations is an attempt to answer the question of whether Britain's exit from the European Union may become a chance for Russia to achieve its political, economic and military goals or a threat to its international interests.At the outset, I intend to describe the political dimension of Brexit for Russia, which is related to the attempts of the Kremlin's government and journalists to find out why the British have made the decision in the referendum. I would also like to present a hypothesis that because of the vote in the UK, Moscow has once again become a major player in the international arena after the annexation of Crimea and the war in eastern Ukraine, as evidenced by the US–Russian cooperation in resolving the Syrian conflict. In the further part of the text, I address the problem of Russia's economic situation and the possible implications of Brexit on the functioning of the Russian economy. In addition, I am introducing the military dimension of Brexit for Russia, which is related to the findings of the NATO summit in in July 2016, regarding the strengthening of the Alliance's forces on the so-called Eastern flank.In summary, I will try to outline whether Brexit may be a long-term opportunity or a threat to Russia, considering its current political, economic and military interests.

The subject of my interest is to analyze the most important conditions and dependencies regarding the attitude of the Russian Federation towards Brexit in the political, economic and military dimension. The main purpose of these considerations is an attempt to answer the question of whether Britain's exit from the European Union may become a chance for Russia to achieve its political, economic and military goals or a threat to its international interests.At the outset, I intend to describe the political dimension of Brexit for Russia, which is related to the attempts of the Kremlin's government and journalists to find out why the British have made the decision in the referendum. I would also like to present a hypothesis that because of the vote in the UK, Moscow has once again become a major player in the international arena after the annexation of Crimea and the war in eastern Ukraine, as evidenced by the US–Russian cooperation in resolving the Syrian conflict. In the further part of the text, I address the problem of Russia's economic situation and the possible implications of Brexit on the functioning of the Russian economy. In addition, I am introducing the military dimension of Brexit for Russia, which is related to the findings of the NATO summit in in July 2016, regarding the strengthening of the Alliance's forces on the so-called Eastern flank.In summary, I will try to outline whether Brexit may be a long-term opportunity or a threat to Russia, considering its current political, economic and military interests.

The subject of my interest is to analyze the most important conditions and dependencies regarding the attitude of the Russian Federation towards Brexit in the political, economic and military dimension. The main purpose of these considerations is an attempt to answer the question of whether Britain's exit from the European Union may become a chance for Russia to achieve its political, economic and military goals or a threat to its international interests.At the outset, I intend to describe the political dimension of Brexit for Russia, which is related to the attempts of the Kremlin's government and journalists to find out why the British have made the decision in the referendum. I would also like to present a hypothesis that because of the vote in the UK, Moscow has once again become a major player in the international arena after the annexation of Crimea and the war in eastern Ukraine, as evidenced by the US–Russian cooperation in resolving the Syrian conflict. In the further part of the text, I address the problem of Russia's economic situation and the possible implications of Brexit on the functioning of the Russian economy. In addition, I am introducing the military dimension of Brexit for Russia, which is related to the findings of the NATO summit in in July 2016, regarding the strengthening of the Alliance's forces on the so-called Eastern flank.In summary, I will try to outline whether Brexit may be a long-term opportunity or a threat to Russia, considering its current political, economic and military interests.

The results of the referendum regarding the UK leaving the European Union indicated that the majority of British citizens, who are also citizens of the EU, decided to leave the European Union. The citizens' decision has serious legal consequences arising from Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty. This is the first case of a state leaving the European Union, which raises many questions. In the presented material, the institution of referendum is being analyzed as a form of direct democracy as well as, in this context, the effects of Brexit affecting directly the citizens of Great Britain – ex-citizens of the European Union. ; The results of the referendum regarding the UK leaving the European Union indicated that the majority of British citizens, who are also citizens of the EU, decided to leave the European Union. The citizens' decision has serious legal consequences arising from Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty. This is the first case of a state leaving the European Union, which raises many questions. In the presented material, the institution of referendum is being analyzed as a form of direct democracy as well as, in this context, the effects of Brexit affecting directly the citizens of Great Britain – ex-citizens of the European Union.

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Relacje między Francją a Wielką Brytanią kształtuje odwieczna rywalizacja regionalna i aspiracje maksymalizacji wpływów międzynarodowych, ale także bliskość i powiązania gospodarczo-polityczne związane z tymi aspiracjami. Podstawą współpracy francusko-brytyjskiej jest podobna percepcja w kwestiach strategicznych. Oba państwa podobnie rozumieją wyzwania polityczne, gospodarcze, kulturalne i są ważnymi partnerami "skazanymi" na kooperację militarną. Brexit wywołał polityczny wstrząs wśród europejskich liderów, inicjując pragmatyczną refleksję nad przyszłością UE. W Paryżu decyzję o Brexicie określono jako z jednej strony bolesną (straty gospodarcze), z drugiej jako szansę na przekształcenie UE zgodnie z francuską wizją integracji (koniec brytyjskiego weta wobec przyspieszania integracji). Niewątpliwie Brexit wzmocni w UE oś Paryż–Berlin i przyspieszy ściślejszą współpracę gospodarczą i militarną. W praktyce jednak wyjście Wielkiej Brytanii z UE osłabi realny wymiar WPBiO i może stać się źródłem długoterminowego zróżnicowania "projektu europejskiego" w oparciu o różne prędkości integracji. ; Relations between France and Great Britain are formed by the eternal regional rivalry and aspirations to maximize international influence, but also the proximity and political – economic ties linked with those aspirations. The basis of Franco-British cooperation is similar perception of strategic issues. Both countries have the same understanding of the political, economic, cultural challenges and are important partners "doomed" on military cooperation. Brexit caused political shock among European leaders, initiating pragmatic reflection on the future of the EU . In Paris, the decision about Brexit was defined as painful the one hand (due to economic losses) and as an opportunity to transform the EU in line with the French vision of integration on the other (due to the end of the British veto towards acceleration of integration). Brexit undoubtedly will strengthen in the EU the Paris-Berlin axis will and accelerate closer economic and military cooperation. In practice, however, the output of Great Britain from the EU will weaken the real dimension of the CSDP and can become a source of long-term differentiation of the "European project" based on different speeds of integration.

One of the consequences of Poland's membership in EU is the necessity to pursue politics, within the union, which is optimal for EU's interest. This involves, among other things, identifying potential gains, challenges or threats, making choices and decisions, formulating goals and selecting tools to achieve them. This article is an attempt at indentifying major dilemmas and challenges facing Poland as a EU member country in the second decade of the 21st century. They pertain to the following issues: membership in the eurozone, diversification of integration in EU, further deepening of integration within the organization and of its model, development of EU's safety and defence policy, energy and climate policy, accepting new members and the exit of Great Britain from the union. The author outlines some conditions and options that Poland has to take into consideration as a EU member country.

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Artykuł przedstawia problem "wspólnej" polityki energetycznej Unii Europejskiej w kontekście tendencji dezintegracyjnych i renacjonalizacji, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem tzw. Brexit'u i jego implikacji dla uwspólontowienia polityki energetycznej UE, działań, które podważają zasady i reguły "wspólnej" polityki energetycznej UE na przykładzie decyzji Komisji Europejskiej z 28 października 2016 r., w sprawie zwiększenia wykorzystywanej przez Gazprom przepustowości gazociągu OPAL (lądowej odnogi Nord Stream) oraz problemu intensyfikowania współpracy w energetycznej Niemiec z Rosją, na przykładzie projektu Nord Stream 2. W artykule przedstawiono również zasadnicze etapy procesu uwspólnotowienia polityki energetycznej UE. ; The article presents an issue of "common" energy policy of the European Union in the context of desintegration tendencies and renationalizationn with particular attention to so-called Brexit and its implications for commonalization of the EU energy policy. The article discusses the actions that undermine principles and rules of the EU's "common" energy policy taking as an example the decision of the European Commission from October 28th, 2016 regarding the increase of transportation capacity of the OPAL gas pipeline (land off shoot of Nord Stream) used by Gazprom as well as the problem of intensification of energy cooperation between Germany and Russia in case of Nord Stream 2 project. The basic phases of the commonalization of the EU's energy policy were presented in the paper too.

The aim of the article is to illustrate the attitude of British diplomacy during the negotiations on the Fiume issue during the Supreme Council of the Peace Conference in Paris, where the most important decisions concerning the fate of post-war Europe were made. Prime Minister Lloyd George's behavior towards the general problem of the Adriatic and the Italian-American dispute was analyzed. The most important interests of Great Britain, which determined the course taken in this matter, were presented. The attitude of the heads of British diplomacy towards the most important events in Fiume in 1919 was also outlined. ; Celem artykułu jest zobrazowanie postawy brytyjskiej dyplomacji podczas negocjacji na temat kwestii Fiume w czasie obrad Rady Najwyższej Konferencji Pokojowej w Paryżu, na której zapadały najważniejsze decyzje dotyczące losów powojennej Europy. Analizie poddano zachowanie premiera Lloyda George'a wobec ogółu problemu kwestii adriatyckiej oraz sporu włosko-amerykańskiego. Zaprezentowano najważniejsze interesy Wielkiej Brytanii, które determinowały obrany kurs wobec tej sprawy. Zarysowano także stosunek szefów dyplomacji brytyjskiej do najważniejszych wydarzeń w Fiume w 1919 r.

The aim of the article is to illustrate the attitude of British diplomacy during the negotiations on the Fiume issue during the Supreme Council of the Peace Conference in Paris, where the most important decisions concerning the fate of post-war Europe were made. Prime Minister Lloyd George's behavior towards the general problem of the Adriatic and the Italian-American dispute was analyzed. The most important interests of Great Britain, which determined the course taken in this matter, were presented. The attitude of the heads of British diplomacy towards the most important events in Fiume in 1919 was also outlined. ; Celem artykułu jest zobrazowanie postawy brytyjskiej dyplomacji podczas negocjacji na temat kwestii Fiume w czasie obrad Rady Najwyższej Konferencji Pokojowej w Paryżu, na której zapadały najważniejsze decyzje dotyczące losów powojennej Europy. Analizie poddano zachowanie premiera Lloyda George'a wobec ogółu problemu kwestii adriatyckiej oraz sporu włosko-amerykańskiego. Zaprezentowano najważniejsze interesy Wielkiej Brytanii, które determinowały obrany kurs wobec tej sprawy. Zarysowano także stosunek szefów dyplomacji brytyjskiej do najważniejszych wydarzeń w Fiume w 1919 r.

Bezpieczeństwo europejskie w połowie drugiej dekady XXI wieku jest zagrożone m.in. przez coraz częstsze ataki terrorystyczne "samotnych wilków", wielkie migracje, działania zbrojne poniżej progu wojny na Ukrainie, nie w pełni rozwiązany kryzys finansowy i grecki. Będący niejako konsekwencją powyższych sytuacji kryzysowych Brexit także w wielu aspektach niesie zagrożenie dla bezpieczeństwa w Europie. W artykule przedstawiono przyczyny, przebieg i konsekwencje dla Polski: wędrówki ludów do Europy, sytuacji na Ukrainie oraz decyzji o wystąpieniu Wielkiej Brytanii z Unii Europejskiej. Wskazano narzędzia polityki międzynarodowej stosowane dla rozwiązania poszczególnych kryzysów. ; European security in the half of second decade XXI century is threatened by a.o. more and more frequent "lonely wolves" terroristic attacks, great migrations, situations of violence below the threshold of armed conflict on Ukraine, not full solved financial and Greek crises. Brexit, being the consequence of above mentioned crisis situations, carries the threat for the safety in Europe in many aspects too. The article presented causes, course and consequences for Poland migrations to Europe, situation on Ukraine and decision about the exit of Great Britain from European Union. There were showed tools of the international politics applied for the solution of individual crises.