Suchergebnisse

Mit Einführung des Planning and Compulsary Purchase Act (2004) wurde das englische Planungssystem stärker auf strategische Raumentwicklung ausgerichtet. Davon macht in besonderer Weise die Greater London Authority Gebrauch, deren direkt gewählte Mayors in den Strategischen Entwicklungsplänen sowohl ihre Regierungserklärung als auch ein Steuerungsinstrument gegenüber den 32 (selbstständigen) boroughs sehen.
Das Besondere an der Londoner Strategischen Planung sind: die Zielsteuerung über operationalisierte Kriterien für projektbezogene Entscheidungen; die hohe Bedeutung, die den Aushandlungsprozessen in der Planumsetzung beigemessen wird; die neuen Formen der regional governance, die korporatistisch ausgerichtet sind, aber einer starken Öffentlichkeitskontrolle unterliegen und von Planungsinspektoren im Ergebnis überprüft werden können; der enge institutionelle Bezug zur regionalen Wirtschaftsentwicklung über die Londoner Entwicklungsagentur (London Development Agency).

Intro -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Contents -- Introduction -- I. The Invention of Difference -- Jericho -- Conquest -- II. Border as Forge -- Hadrian -- Empire -- III. Unstable Walls -- China -- Crisis -- IV. The Art of The Wall-Able -- Thiers -- Reaction -- Constructing the Normal -- Berlin -- Takeover -- VI. The Return of Them -- West Bank -- Control -- VII. The Way of All Walls -- Acknowledgments -- Selected Bibliography -- Notes.

We investigate the sources of changes in GDP volatility observed from 1966 to 2018. We develop a general equilibrium model and calibrate it to US data to characterize the contribution of micro level productivity shocks, inter-sectoral linkages and households' behavior to aggregate volatility. Our results show that changes in sectoral volatility played an important role in shaping GDP volatility and that asymmetries in the economy had a different impact on aggregate volatility over time. Moreover, we show that, despite an increase before the financial crisis of 2007, aggregate volatility has remained low until 2018.

Contributions to this study clearly support our initial hypotheses. It is observed, as expected, that the economic crisis has considerably decreased consensual behaviour in parliament. However, the nature of parties constitutes a crucial variable in order to explain the conduct of the opposition in the legislative arena better: since the outbreak of the crisis, radical parties have turned even more adversarial than before; whereas mainstream parties - who want to appear as a credible alternative to the government in office - have drifted towards more cooperative behaviour. Given the growing influence of the European Union on the legislation approved in response to the crisis, it was also expected (and demonstrated) that the traditionally pro-European parties would be more likely to cooperate on socio-economic issues than Eurosceptic parties. Finally, it has also been shown that timing also plays an important role in the opposition's decision either to support or to oppose the government: with opposition parties more inclined to contest the government's proposals when their chances of getting into power are higher, and vice versa. Adapted from the source document.