Suchergebnisse

The subject of this study is the strategic cooperation of the permanent members in the Security Council in the period 1946 2000. Because of their right of veto the cooperation of the permanent members has a significant influence on the functioning of the Council. The most important aspects of the cooperation that were investigated are the intensity of the cooperation and the ef-fectiveness of this cooperation in preventing and ending wars. To investigate these aspects, for both the intensity and the effectiveness measuring instruments were constructed. These measuring instruments were based on comprehensive sets of so-called 'leading indicators' and statistical methods and techniques. The intensity of the cooperation increased gradually from 1946 until 1990 (the end of the Cold War). Then it started to increase rapidly until 1996. From 1996 a slight decrease can be discer-ned. The strong increase in the strategic cooperation of the permanent members in the security Council can be established in all the majors forms of cooperation in the Council: the numbers of adopted strategic resolutions and presidential statements, the numbers of employed means (like peacekeeping missions and enforcement actions) and the amounts of money that were spent on peacekeeping activities. Further it was established that the response times of the Council regarding potential and waged wars dropped significantly since the end of the Cold War. The effectiveness of the cooperation of the permanent members in the Council was, insofar this was measurable with the applied method, not good for many years, but after the Cold War a clear improvement can be discerned. This goes for the prevention of wars, as well as for post war peacebuilding and the ending of wars. Also the numbers of potential and waged wars in which the Council not intervened dropped significantly since the end of the Cold War, as well as the use of vetoes. The large number of potential and waged wars in which the Council did not intervene during the Cold War was nearly exclusively caused by 'non decisions' (the non placing of wars on the agenda), and not by the use of vetoes by permanent members, as is often assumed in literature. Further, a comparison of two phase classifications of the Cold War showed that the great powers, even when there are great tensions among them, are prepared to cooperate in the Security Council to resolve strategic matters, if they consider this in their interest. Analyses of the adopted strategic resolutions during the Cold War revealed that cooperation here was nearly exclusively limited to issues that were not core issues of the Cold War. From this it can be concluded that cooperation against third party states was a basis of cooperation of the great powers in the Security Council. Finally, the results of this study show clearly that the Security Council was regarded and used to a large extent by the permanent members in the period 1946 2000 as an instrument of foreign policy to pursue their national interests, and not as an instrument of the world community to prevent and end wars.

This study provides a comprehensive analysis of state-society development in the most volatile region of the world. In the Middle East, various anti-systemic movement and radical Islam often clashed and resisted the political, cultural, economic, and military domination of the region by the world's major imperial powers. Emadi investigates state, revolution, and development in the Middle Eastern states of Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq, and Syria in the immediate post-World War II period. Maintaining that the state is an instrument of class domination, exhibiting a certain degree of autonomy in the creation and design of domestic development programs, he details the role of class in an attempt to provide a better understanding of the diverse factors at work. Politics of the Dispossessed provides an alternative analysis of development in regional politics and its context in world politics, aspects that are generally neglected by most mainstream studies. It examines state formation, internal development strategies, and how class conflict and ideology led to class alliance on an international basis, as well as the external interference in the internal affairs of these societies. It also explores the process of political and ethnic integration of the Middle East into the global economic system and the resulting counter-strategies of the nationalist and Islamic resistance to the increasing superpower domination of the international system. -- Publisher description.

A collection of essays on military defence strategy, which considers historical applications of the "domino theory", the psychological dynamics of the US-Soviet relationship vis-a-vis Eurasian boundaries. It also examines whether the USSR actually infers a lack of resolve from American retreats

This book examines how unequal sovereigns have had a major impact on the way international relations are conducted. The author offers a way of understanding recent transformations in the global political order by recalling the lessons of the past, in particular the recent conflicts in Kosovo and Afghanistan

This paper is the first yet comprehensive analysis of the role of the G8 in international peace and security. It argues that the G7/8 has a long and impressive history in the field of international security. The G7/8 has, for example, spearheaded the introduction of "low politics" and "soft security" to the top table of great power diplomacy and integrated Japan and, later Russia, into the realm of Western security discussions. In questions of war and peace the G8 does not command the legitimacy of the UN Security Council but, for the international community, is a more acceptable vehicle than unilateral action. As such the G8 can be seen as a noteworthy "second best" option after the UN Security Council. This paper further argues that China should be admitted into the G8 first as an observer and later as a member. There is also a strong argument for the European Union to have one seat at the G8 even if such a change does not seem realistic today. The G8 bears great resemblance to the 19th century Concert of Europe. Whether it will assume a similar role in the 21st century depends in the final analysis on whether the United States welcomes such a role for the G8.

Waarom slagen grootmachten er soms in om samen te werken terwijl ze op andere momenten in bloedige conflicten verwikkeld raken, zoals de oorlog die Rusland ontketende in Oekraïne? Welke rol spelen organisaties als de VN-Veiligheidsraad en de NAVO? Welke lessen kunnen we uit de geschiedenis trekken om de actualiteit te beoordelen, ondanks de belangrijke verschillen met het verleden? Conflict en samenwerking buigt zich over deze en andere vragen, die historici en politieke wetenschappers al decennia lang boeien. Het boek beschrijft de internationale betrekkingen vanaf het einde van de napoleontische oorlogen tot aan de meest recente evoluties zoals de opkomst van China en de oorlog in Oekraïne. Het accent ligt op de politiek van de grote mogendheden vanwege hun bepalende rol op het internationale spelbord. De auteurs zoeken een antwoord op de vraag waarom er in bepaalde periodes vrede en stabiliteit was, en beschrijven de opkomst en ondergang van grootmachten

Wolfgang Elz ; Inhaltsverzeichnis ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- Z 69.466-28

Toen de oorlog in Bosnië driejaar oud was, besloten de grote westerse mogendheden te interveniëren. Voorafgaand aan dat besluit was lang gedebatteerd over de zin en onzin van een dergelijk ingrijpen. Vooral in de media. En het beperkte zich niet tot nationale debatten. De discussies, van oudsher georganiseerd op nationaal niveau, waren grensoverschrijdend en lijken een aanwijzing dat er sprake is van een steeds kleinere wereld, ofwel een global society. In onderstaand artikel onderzoekt historicus Arthur ten Cate of het debat rond de Bosnische oorlog inderdaad een voorbeeld is van de mondialisering van de westerse maatschappij. Hij toetst daarmee de theorie van de Brit Martin Shaw, die het gedrag van het internationale statensysteem in de jaren negentig, in het bijzonder van de grote mogendheden in Bosnië en Kosovo, verklaart als het onvermijdelijke gevolg van het ontstaan van een mondiale maatschappij. --- One for all and allfor one? The global civil society and the war in BosniaAfter the war in Bosnia had continued for three years, the major Western powers decided to intervene. Lengthy debate on the usefulness and futility of similar action preceded the move, especially in the media, and debates were not confined to individual countries. Traditionally organised on a national level, discussions crossed all borders and seemingly proved that the world is indeed a small one, or at least the existence of a global society. In his article, historian Arthur ten Cate investigates whether the debate surrounding the Bosnian war exemplifies the globalisation of Western society. Part of his approach involves testing a theory put forth by the Englishman Martin Shaw, who explains international political development in the 1990s, particularly with respect to the major Western powers in Bosnia and Kosovo, as the inevitable consequence of the advent of a global society.

In the second half of the twentieth century, the United States engaged in the most ambitious and far-reaching liberal order building the world had yet seen. This liberal international order has been one of the most successful in history in providing security and prosperity to more people. But in the last decade, the American-led order has been troubled. Some argue that the Bush administration, with its war on terror, invasion of Iraq, and unilateral orientation, undermined this liberal order. Others argue that we are witnessing the end of the American era. Liberal Leviathan engages these debates.

"The United States became a great power in the last quarter of the nineteenth century and a superpower during World War II without quite knowing it. Few Americans fully appreciate the fact today. How many people know that in recent years we have had 250,000 troops in 700 bases around the world? Consider our recent history of military operations in the Caribbean, East Asia, the Far East, Middle East, Southeast Asia, Africa, and the Balkans. In America Rising, David Felix attempts to explain how and why America became a superpower by examining the political and economic factors that have driven its ascendence and their relationship throughout history. Felix begins with the dawn of America, showing how America amassed wealth and political power from the start through wars, assertions of economic might, and the creation of a cultural and philosophical base. The nation began with a political order, derived from our British origins, which enabled our pragmatic culture to take advantage of the vast wealth of a near-virgin continent. Political and economic freedom were paired, authority yielding to both freedoms. Our farmers and businessmen were dreamers, manufacturing realities out of those dreams. Felix's account then makes a point of neoclassical economics as an anvil on which to hammer out a sharper sense of the content of our existence."--Jacket

De ontdekking in 1492 van de nieuwe wereld op het westelijk halfrond door Christoffel Columbus (circa 1451-1506) luidde een periode in van verovering en kolonisatie door enkele Europese mogendheden die meerdere eeuwen zou duren. Grote aantallen Europeanen zouden zich in deze periode in de nieuw verworven gebieden vestigen, waarbij zij hun eigen cultuur en godsdienst meebrachten. De kolonisatie bracht tevens de invoering van andere rechtsstelsels met zich mee, veelal ontleend aan het recht van het land dat het gebied had veroverd. Maar het rechtsstelsel van het moederland werd zelden ongewijzigd in de koloniën overgenomen. De overzeese gebieden werden niet gezien als integrale delen van het moederland, waardoor de rechtsordes gescheiden konden blijven. Dat was onder meer van belang om slavernij, en daarmee een economie gebaseerd op grote plantages, mogelijk te maken. In dit boek wordt de receptie van Europese rechtsstelsels in de overzeese gebieden in de West beschreven.

Tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog pleegden de oorlogvoerenden op grote schaal inbreuk op de rechten van neutrale partijen zoals die waren vastgesteld in internationale verdragen. Zowel de Geallieerden als de Centrale mogendheden oefenden druk uit op de neutralen om hun beleid te hunner gunste aan te passen. In de ruim vier jaar die de oorlog duurde, nam die druk zo sterk toe, dat de neutralen zich met handen en voeten gebonden voelden. Ruim vijftig jaar geleden stelde Nils rvik dat deze minachting van het internationale recht, gecombineerd met de betrekkelijke zwakte van de Europese neutrale staten, het einde betekende van de traditionele politieke neutraliteit, een begrip dat hij gelijkstelde met niet-gebondenheid en afzijdigheid. Dit boek bespreekt die stelling in het licht van nieuw vergelijkend onderzoek in Scandinavië, Nederland, Spanje, Argentinië en de VS. Het resultaat is de eerste Engelstalige vergelijkende studie naar neutraliteit tijdens WWI. De opstellen behandelen niet alleen meerdere landen, maar ook meerdere aspecten van het neutraliteitsconcept