In spite of the disappointing outcome of some recent summits, notably the most recent in Cannes, the G20 is and should remain the cornerstone of the global financial architecture. Its record of performance in the last three years, reviewed in this paper, is mixed but not as unambiguously negative as critics have said. However, its effectiveness as a decision-maker has diminished over time. Enhancing the relevance and effectiveness of the G20 will require time and action on several fronts, including greater involvement and stronger commitment on the part of political leaders, better internal organisation and the development of a shared mission.
The G20 is an evolving international institution. Aided by both advances in information technology and support from home governments, a number of knowledge actors and networks seek to influence global economic governance with policy analysis and advice. This article assesses the international G20 think tank network called Think20 and the policy advocacy of private research institutes (such the Lowy Institute in Australia and the Centre for International Governance and Innovation in Canada) which are in the orbit of the G20 policy community. Think20 assists the global economic governance processes of the G20 by developing 'coordinative discourses' for policy development and implementation. Points for practitioners Ideas matter but ideas that imply major policy reform and innovation need to be made to matter if they are to direct government action. Networks provide one mechanism to broadcast and disseminate 'communicative discourses' to many different publics – local as well as global – and the infrastructure to crystalize and amplify 'coordinative discourses' underpinning the policy blueprints and reform proposals of governments that must motivate their own bureaucracies as well as collaborate with foreign government. This article discusses some of the network tools and practices for consensus building in 'transnational policy communities' that cultivate global policy coordination.
This paper examines the Group of 20 (the G-20)* in the context of international relations, especially the G-20's impact on global governance and international security, and the G-20's significance for Canada and the conduct of Canadian foreign policy. It will show that the G-20 embodies the changing way the world interacts and it will argue that the group works and is needed, but that it can work better and become a more important and more effective element of global management. At the same time, the G-20 will not itself be sufficient to govern the world and should not be judged harshly as a consequence. The group can complement but not replace existing international organizations, especially the United Nations, although it can provide impetus to their work and utilize their capacity, becoming, if G-20 members are sufficiently sagacious, a key steering group of the network of organizations, institutions, associations and treaties by which states govern relations amongst themselves. The paper will also argue that if, as is likely, the G-20 endures, it will change the context in which Canada pursues its foreign policy and change, as well, how that policy is conducted, making the institution of prime minister even more paramount in the pursuit of Canadian interests abroad and the protection of Canadian values than it has yet become. More than ever, the prime minister will be the face and voice, indeed the personification, of the government of Canada on the international stage.
This paper examines the Group of 20 (the G-20)* in the context of international relations, especially the G-20's impact on global governance and international security, and the G-20's significance for Canada and the conduct of Canadian foreign policy. It will show that the G-20 embodies the changing way the world interacts and it will argue that the group works and is needed, but that it can work better and become a more important and more effective element of global management. At the same time, the G-20 will not itself be sufficient to govern the world and should not be judged harshly as a consequence. The group can complement but not replace existing international organizations, especially the United Nations, although it can provide impetus to their work and utilize their capacity, becoming, if G-20 members are sufficiently sagacious, a key steering group of the network of organizations, institutions, associations and treaties by which states govern relations amongst themselves. The paper will also argue that if, as is likely, the G-20 endures, it will change the context in which Canada pursues its foreign policy and change, as well, how that policy is conducted, making the institution of prime minister even more paramount in the pursuit of Canadian interests abroad and the protection of Canadian values than it has yet become. More than ever, the prime minister will be the face and voice, indeed the personification, of the government of Canada on the international stage.
The Visegrad Group (Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic, Slovakia) has, in 20 years, left its mark on the geopolitical map of Central Europe. Can this group become a serious sub-regional player in the European Union? Though locally it proves undeniably effective, it seems to only have a reactive efficiency in Brussels. Its ability to intervene in the European Neighbourhood Policy or the Union's energy policy will be a test of its weight in the future. Adapted from the source document.
Le Groupe de Visegrad (Pologne, Hongrie, République Tchèque, Slovaquie) a, en 20 ans, marqué de son empreinte la carte géopolitique de l'Europe centrale. Ce Groupe peut-il se constituer en acteur sous-régional dans l'Union européenne ? S'il démontre une efficacité locale incontestable, il semble n'avoir à Bruxelles qu'une efficacité réactive. Sa capacité à intervenir sur la politique européenne de voisinage ou dans la politique énergétique de l'Union sera un test de son poids pour l'avenir.
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The author, President of the Association for Specialists in Group Work, a counselor trainer, and a consultant on group counseling, reports the questions he is most often asked and frames his responses in plain language so they may be immediately understood and useful. Although mindful of beginning group counselors, the author speaks clearly in this article to practicing group counselors, drawing on his own extensive experience.