Suchergebnisse

The pathways of equitable access to work and residency for migrants in the United States are fraught with inconsistencies. Spouses of migrants on a specialty occupation visa (H1B) cannot obtain a social security number, and therefore, their legal standing entirely depends on their H1B spouses. Moreover, these spouses, who are predominantly women from non-Western countries, are strictly prohibited from participating in any type of income-generating activities, including self-employment. Restriction on migrant spouses' workforce participation perpetuates their involuntary financial dependency, which creates such problems as lowered self-esteem, depression, suicidality, marital problems, and domestic violence. In this article, I build on the previous works to further illuminate how the social construction, that is, a popular image or stereotypes of non-Western women as dependents and deviants might have contributed to creating and maintaining the H4 visa regulations while contemplating its long-term impact in light of the U.S. nation-building effort based on the Theory of Social Construction of Target Populations. The social construction lens offers a framework for social work scholars, educators, and practitioners to critically examine and articulate the mechanisms through which stereotypes and bias toward vulnerable populations influence policy design and thereby dictate their life choices and positioning in society.

International audience ; The main objective of this article is to explain the evolution of the party system of the Valencian Community (Spain) between 1978 and 2015. We will start from a historical neo-institutionalist approach and a methodology focused on historical analysis (path dependence and critical junctures). It will be centered on the changes produced in political parties, in terms of the Valencian cartelization and identity and its present position. This way, three working sub-hypotheses are to be explained: H1a: parties have had a continuity dynamic that has changed due to abrupt changes in the environment; H1b: political forces have taken advantage of these events to obtain electoral revenue and; H1c: current political parties are the result of changes experienced in the period studied. This complex hypothesis opens new fields of study for future research in terms of strategy, discourse and perceptions about these organizations. ; El objetivo del artículo es explicar la evolución del sistema de partidos de la Comunitat Valenciana (España) entre 1978 y 2015. Se parte de un enfoque neoinstitucionalista y de una metodología centrada en el análisis histórico (path dependence y critical junctures) de los cambios producidos en los partidos políticos, en cuanto a la cartelización y la identidad valenciana, y su caracterización actual. Así, se han generado tres subhipótesis de trabajo: H1a: los partidos han tenido una dinámica continuista que ha variado por cambios bruscos del entorno; H1b: las fuerzas políticas han aprovechado dichos acontecimientos para obtener rédito electoral; y H1c: los actuales partidos políticos son fruto de los cambios experimentados en el periodo estudiado. Esta hipótesis compleja abre nuevos campos de estudio para futuras investigaciones en cuanto a estrategia, discurso y percepciones sobre estas organizaciones.

The main objective of this article is to explain the evolution of the party system of the Valencian Community (Spain) between 1978 and 2015. We will start from a historical neo-institutionalist approach and a methodolog y focused on historical analysis (path dependence and critical junctures). It will be centered on the changes produced in political parties, in terms of the Valencian cartelization and identity and its present position. This way, three working sub-hypotheses are to be explained: H1a: parties have had a continuity dynamic that has changed due to abrupt changes in the environment; H1b: political forces have taken advantage of these events to obtain electoral revenue and; H1c: current political parties are the result of changes experienced in the period studied. This complex hypothesis opens new fields of study for future research in terms of strateg y, discourse and perceptions about these organizations. El objetivo del artículo es explicar la evolución del sistema de partidos de la Comunitat Valenciana (España) entre 1978 y 2015. Se parte de un enfoque neoinstitucionalista y de una metodología centrada en el análisis histórico (path dependencey critical junctures) de los cambios producidos en los partidos políticos, en cuanto a la cartelización y la identidad valenciana, y su caracterización actual. Así, se han generado tres subhipótesis de trabajo: H1a: los partidos han tenido una dinámica continuista que ha variado por cambios bruscos del entorno; H1b: las fuerzas políticas han aprovechado dichos acontecimientos para obtener rédito electoral; y H1c: los actuales partidos políticos son fruto de los cambios experimentados en el periodo estudiado. Esta hipótesis compleja abre nuevos campos de estudio para futuras investigaciones en cuanto a estrategia, discurso y percepciones sobre estas organizaciones.

El objetivo del artículo es explicar la evolución del sistema de partidos de la Comunitat Valenciana (España) entre 1978 y 2015. Se parte de un enfoque neoinstitucionalista y de una metodología centrada en el análisis histórico (path dependence y critical junctures) de los cambios producidos en los partidos políticos, en cuanto a la cartelización y la identidad valenciana, y su caracterización actual. Así, se han generado tres subhipótesis de trabajo: H1a: los partidos han tenido una dinámica continuista que ha variado por cambios bruscos del entorno; H1b: las fuerzas políticas han aprovechado dichos acontecimientos para obtener rédito electoral; y H1c: los actuales partidos políticos son fruto de los cambios experimentados en el periodo estudiado. Esta hipótesis compleja abre nuevos campos de estudio para futuras investigaciones en cuanto a estrategia, discurso y percepciones sobre estas organizaciones. ; The main objective of this article is to explain the evolution of the party system of the Valencian Community (Spain) between 1978 and 2015. We will start from a historical neo-institutionalist approach and a methodology focused on historical analysis (path dependence and critical junctures). It will be centered on the changes produced in political parties, in terms of the Valencian cartelization and identity and its present position. This way, three working sub-hypotheses are to be explained: H1a: parties have had a continuity dynamic that has changed due to abrupt changes in the environment; H1b: political forces have taken advantage of these events to obtain electoral revenue and; H1c: current political parties are the result of changes experienced in the period studied. This complex hypothesis opens new fields of study for future research in terms of strategy, discourse and perceptions about these organizations.

El objetivo del artículo es explicar la evolución del sistema de partidos de la Comunitat Valenciana (España) entre 1978 y 2015. Se parte de un enfoque neoinstitucionalista y de una metodología centrada en el análisis histórico (path dependence y critical junctures) de los cambios producidos en los partidos políticos, en cuanto a la cartelización y la identidad valenciana, y su caracterización actual. Así, se han generado tres subhipótesis de trabajo: H1a: los partidos han tenido una dinámica continuista que ha variado por cambios bruscos del entorno; H1b: las fuerzas políticas han aprovechado dichos acontecimientos para obtener rédito electoral; y H1c: los actuales partidos políticos son fruto de los cambios experimentados en el periodo estudiado. Esta hipótesis compleja abre nuevos campos de estudio para futuras investigaciones en cuanto a estrategia, discurso y percepciones sobre estas organizaciones.

While anecdotal evidence suggests that interest groups play a key role in shaping immigration, there is no systematic empirical evidence on this issue. To motivate our analysis, we develop a simple theoretical model where migration policy is the result of the interaction between organized groups with conflicting interests towards labor flows. We evaluate the key predictions of the model using a new, industry-level dataset from the United States that we construct by combining information on the total number of immigrants and H1B visas with data on lobbying expenditures associated with immigration. We find robust evidence that both pro- and anti-immigration interest groups play a statistically significant and economically relevant role in shaping migration across sectors. Barriers to migration are lower in sectors in which business lobbies incur larger lobbying expenditures and higher in sectors where labor unions are more important.

This thesis focuses on the implications of past, and hypothetical future movements of people for the prosperity of natives and residents living in the highly developed regions. The first Chapter discusses the welfare impact of migration in the OECD countries by analyzing recent migration flows (net migration between 2000 and 2010), and total stock of migrants in 2010. The importance of different channels, through which migration affects the wellbeing of stayers, is discussed. In the second Chapter, the theoretical framework from the first Chapter is extended to evaluate migration policies in a multi-country general equilibrium model with endogenous migration and trade. In particular, the economic impact of removing visa and trade barriers between the European Union and five major partners (Australia, Canada, Japan, Turkey and the US) is quantified. Additionally, the proposed model gives theoretical evidence about the relations between migration and trade after imposing exogenous shocks to both types of barriers. The third Chapter proposes an innovative modeling technique to identify the global demographic impact of different migration policies in the EU. The model jointly considers peoples' endogenous decisions about the country of destination, type of visa to apply for, and the duration of stay. In consequence, the proposed framework provides a micro-foundation for multilateral resistance to migration (a complex structure of dependencies between migration choice options). The research question posed in this paper challenges the capacity of the European Union to attract high-skilled immigrants. ; (ECGE - Sciences économiques et de gestion) -- UCL, 2016

This thesis focuses on the implications of past, and hypothetical future movements of people for the prosperity of natives and residents living in the highly developed regions. The first Chapter discusses the welfare impact of migration in the OECD countries by analyzing recent migration flows (net migration between 2000 and 2010), and total stock of migrants in 2010. The importance of different channels, through which migration affects the wellbeing of stayers, is discussed. In the second Chapter, the theoretical framework from the first Chapter is extended to evaluate migration policies in a multi-country general equilibrium model with endogenous migration and trade. In particular, the economic impact of removing visa and trade barriers between the European Union and five major partners (Australia, Canada, Japan, Turkey and the US) is quantified. Additionally, the proposed model gives theoretical evidence about the relations between migration and trade after imposing exogenous shocks to both types of barriers. The third Chapter proposes an innovative modeling technique to identify the global demographic impact of different migration policies in the EU. The model jointly considers peoples' endogenous decisions about the country of destination, type of visa to apply for, and the duration of stay. In consequence, the proposed framework provides a micro-foundation for multilateral resistance to migration (a complex structure of dependencies between migration choice options). The research question posed in this paper challenges the capacity of the European Union to attract high-skilled immigrants. ; (ECGE - Sciences économiques et de gestion) -- UCL, 2016

AbstractThis study explores how dyadic power theory (DPT) can explain the demand/withdraw interaction pattern (in which one partner raises an issue and the other partner avoids discussion) in a wide range of relationship types (e.g. friends, romantic partners, family, work relationships). Two surveys were conducted (N = 155 and 91 of student and non‐student samples, respectively) where participants reported on either an unequal‐power or an equal‐power relationship in a scenario. The results were more complex than anticipated. DPT's predictions for both demand/withdraw (H1b) and relationship satisfaction (H2) were supported but found that a related pattern, criticize/defend (H1a; in which one partner critiques and the other partner defends themselves), was affected not only by the power dynamic (in the opposite direction that DPT would predict) but also by the type of relationship participants reported. In addition, equal‐power partners were more likely to use a positive interaction (RQ1) style than unequal‐power partners.

Intro -- Preface -- Contents -- About the Author -- 1 Chai, Samosa, and H1B Visa: Indian IT Workers in the United States -- 2 Land of Opportunity: Life Beyond Hollywood Movies -- Reason for Coming to the United States -- United States Beyond Hollywood Movie: Life in Small City of Midwest -- 3 American Dreams and Identity Conflict -- Identification of Transitional Practices -- Extent of Transitional Practices -- Structure of Transnational Practices -- 4 Transnationalism as Cultural Hybridity and Flexible Citizenship -- Perception of Life in America: Creating a Transnational Space -- Conclusion -- 5 Being Transnational Citizen -- General Impacts of Being Transnational -- Living in the U.S. and Change in Thinking, Socializing, and Leisure Time -- Transnationalism and Self-esteem and Attitude Toward Work -- In Conclusion -- 6 Conclusion: Creation of Temporary Enclaves -- The Young and Dynamic Indian IT Professionals -- Indians as Transnational -- Perception of Life in the U.S -- Impact of Living a Transnational Life -- Immigrant to Temporary Enclaves -- Postscript-Transnationalism in Trump Era -- Appendix A Research Design -- Outline placeholder -- Research Site -- Delineation of Study Population -- Data Collection -- Quantitative Data Collection -- Qualitative Data Collection -- Data Analysis -- Quantitative Data Analysis -- Qualitative Data Analysis -- Methods Used to Construct Self-esteem Scale -- Methods Used in Constructing Job Satisfaction/Dissatisfaction Scales -- Role of Researchers and Ethical Considerations -- Appendix B Tables for the Chapters -- Outline placeholder -- Tables for Chap. 4 -- Tables for Chap. 5 -- Appendix C Survey Questionnaire and Questions for Quantitative Study -- Personal Interview Schedule -- References.